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Dorab Saklatwalla Memorial Series No. II. 



PARSIS OF ANCIENT INDIA, 



BY 



SHAPUBJI KAVASJI HODIVALA, .. A . 






192O 



THE SANJ VARTAMAN PRESS. 



\ 



M 

Dorab Saklatwalla Memorial Series No. II. 



PARSIS OF ANCIENT INDIA. 

With References from Sanskrit Books, 
Inscriptions, &c. 



BY 



SHAPURJI KAVASJI HODIVALA, B . A . 

(AUTHOR OF ZARATHUSHTRA AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES 

IN THE RIQVEDA.) 



PUBLISHED BY SHAPURJI KAVASJI HODIVALA, 
3 E, Sleater Road, 

BOMBAY. 

Printed by Rustom N. Vatchaghandy at the " Sanj Vartaman 
Press, Nos. 22-24-26, Mint Road, Fort. 

1920. 



DEDICflTED 



T O 



THE SACRED MEMORY 



O F 



*ate for. toorad famtetji & 

A PROMISING YOUTH AND 
A GOOD FRIEND 



SUDDENLY CUT OFF IN THE PRIME OF HIS LIFE, 



2096717 



" Our highest Religion is named the ' Worship of Sorrow.' 
For the son of man there is no noble crown, well worn or ill 
worn, but is a crown of thorns." 

Carlyh. 




Born 
18-9-1890. 




Died 
20-1-1919. 



PREFACE. 

BY 
MR. M. P. KHAREGHAT, I. C.S. (Retired.) 



This book consists of a number of 
papers on various subjects, all bear- 
ing on the connection of Iranians 
with India from the most ancient 
times upto about the sixteenth cen- 
tury after Christ. It is evidently 
the result of extensive study, patient 
compilation and thought. The 
author Mr. Hodivala has written as 
a scholar for scholars, in most cases 
fully quoting his authorities. But 
his book will also be interesting to 
the general reader, especially Parsi, 
with a taste for history or antiquities. 
The author has done me the honour 
of asking me to write the preface, 
and I have accepted the task after 
some hesitation, as I have doubts 
about my fitness for it. I have set 
down below my views about some 
of the many subjects dealt with by 
the author likely to be of interest 
to the reader. As some of the sub- 
jects are of a controversial nature, 
views are likely to differ, and the 
author has very fairly told me to 
express mine even though they may 
not coincide with his. But my 
main object has been to supplement, 
not criticise. 

The Aryans. 

From the very great similarity in 
the ancient languages, thoughts, 
traditions, rituals, and ways of life 
of the Iranians and Aryan Indians 
it has been inferred that their ances- 
tors must have formed a common 
nation at one time, and there is such 
a mass of evidence to support this 
inference, that it is commonly ac- 
cepted by scholars. On the other 
hand, the theory that the Zoroastri- 
ans were a colony from northern 
India, that a schism took place 
there, and the Zoroastrians migrated 
westwards is one not commonly 
accepted. The belief commonly 



accepted and based on a large 
amount of evidence is that after 
the ancestors of the Indians came 
to India, the Iranian and Indian 
branches, although in some contact, 
developed independently, that the 
separation took place long before 
the time of Zoroaster, that Zoroaster 
was an Iranian and did all his work 
on Iranian soil among Iranian 
peoples. 

Paryii and Prithu. 

That the Persians or Parthians are 
mentioned by name in the Rigveda 
is extremely doubtful. Both tradi- 
tion and modern scholarship are 
opposed to this view.* In Rv. I- 
105-8 q^: very probably means 
"ribs," and in Rv. VII-83-1 1$qKft: 
" with broad sickles." In Rv VIII- 
6-46 q|f is a proper noun, but that 
it means "Persian" there is no- 
thing to show. 

In this connection it must be 
remembered that the appellation 
" Persian " came to be applied to 
the whole Iranian nation only after 
the rise of the Persian Achaeme- 
nians, long after the period of the 
Rigveda. Before then, it was con- 
fined to the people of Persis, the 
modern Fars, a region in the south- 
west of Iran, very far from India, 
and the Iranians called themselves 
by the name Airya. corresponding to 
the Indian 3TT^ Arya. The name of 
Persia does not occur even in the 
Avesta ; much less is it likely to 
occur in the Vedas. 

* See SSyana s commentary on the three 
verses of the Rigveda quoted at page 2 of 
this book ; also the articles Parsii and Pri- 
thu in Macdonell and Keith's Vedic Index, 
and the authorities quoted there, and the 
same words in Monier Williams' Sanikrit- 
Enjliih Dictionary. 



II 



Further, the Persians called 
themselves m Parsa as in the 
Behistun inscriptions, and the Hin- 
dus were not likely to change that 
word to q?| Pami ; in later times 
they had no difficulty in adopting 
the correct word qR^ffaJ Parasika. 

For the reason last mentioned and 
in the absence of other evidence it 
is also difficult to believe that the 
tribal name ^ used by Panini re- 
ferred to the Persians, although it 
is likely he knew the Persians, as 
he belonged to the extreme north- 
west of India and probably flourish- 
ed about 300 B. C." (Macdonell's 
Sanskrit Litarature, p. 431). Pani- 
ni's Parm would seem to have been 
a local tribe. 

The theory that the Persians were 
known as Parsuas by the Assyrians 
is denied by a competent authority 
Ed. Meyer in the following words 
in his article on Persis in the Ency- 
clopaedia Britannica, llth Edition, 
Vol. XXI, p. 253 : "The Persians 
are not mentioned in history before 
the time of Cyrus ; the attempt to 
identify them with the Parsua, a 
district of the Zagros chains south 
of Lake Urmia, often mentioned by 
the Assyrians is not tenable." He 
has made a similar statement in his 
article on Persia, Ancient History, 
in the same book, p. 203. 

Pahlava. 

The name Pahlava y^Zft is gene- 
rally believed to have been applied 
in India to the Parthians. The 
Iranian word Pahlav is derived by 
philologists from Parthava, and 
seems to have been applied in the 
first instance in Iran to Parthian 
magnates under the Arsacides and 
from them to have been transferred 
later to the heroes of ai cient Iran.* 

* See Ed. Meyer's article Parthia in the 
Encyclopaedia Brit, llth Ed.. Vol. XX, p. 
811, and E. Wilhelm's article on Parthia 
translated by Dastur Rustomji in the 
Dastur Hoshung Memorial Volume) p. 
822 ff. 



We know from classical authors that 
there were Parthian rulers in India 
about the beginning of the Christian 
era, and a class of coins found in 
and near India bearing usually 
legends in Greek and the Indian 
Kharoshthi script and Iranian names 
are attributed to these rulers, who 
are called Indo-Parthian by modern 
scholars.* In Indian inscriptions 
and literature the Pahlavas are 
often mentioned with the Sakas and 
Yavanas, foreigners who came into 
India about the same period within 
a few hundred years. It is inferred 
from these three facts, viz. (1) the 
practical identity of the Iranian 
name Pahlav with the Indian Pah- 
lava, (2) the existence of Parthian 
rulers in India, and (3) the conjunc- 
tion of the Pahlavas with the .Sakas 
and Yavanas in Indian literature, 
that the Pahlavas were Parthians, 
and the inference is justifiable. On 
the other hand it has to be noted 
that there does not appear to have 
been found upto now any coin bear- 
ing the word Pahlava, nor any ins- 
cription or writing mentioning a 
Pahlava with an indubitable Iranian 
name.t The name of the Pahlava 
in Rudradaman's inscription at Gir- 
nar mentioned at page 11 of this 
book cannot be called indubitably 
Iranian. 

That the Pallavas qM of South- 
ern India were identical with the 
Pahlavas y%*53 is a theory based 
on slender foundations, and denied 
by V. Smith in the second edition 
of his work p. 423, where he 
writes : " The name Pallava re- 
sembles Pahlava so closely that Dr. 
Fleet and other writers have been 
disposed to favour the hypothesis 
that Pallavas and Pahlavas were 

* See Vincent Smith's Early History of 
India 2nd Edition, p. 224 ff. This book 
will be referred to later simply as V. 
Smith's History. 

f This is so far as I know, but I may be 
wrong. Of course such a name may be 
found in the future, and would supply very 
good confirmation of the identification. 



Ill 



identical, and that consequently the 
Southern Pallava dynasty of Kan- 
chi should be considered as of 
Persian origin. But recent research 
does not support this hypothesis, 
which was treated as probable in 
the first edition of this work, and it 
seems more likely that the Pallavas 
were a tribe, clan, or caste which 
was formed in the northern part of 
the existing Madras Presidency, 
possibly in the Vengi country, be- 
tween the Krishna and the Goda- 



van. 



Parasika. 



There can be no reasonable doubt 
that the word Parasika tflT^ffa) means 



Persian. The whole word including 
the suffix with the long vowel would 
seem to be Iranian, Parsik being the 
Pahlavi term for an inhabitant of 
Pars, i.e. the ancient Persis or modern 
Fars. It is possible that the word 
came into use in India only after the 
restoration of Persian power under 
the Sassanians in the third century 
after Christ. The instances of its 
use in India do not seem to be pre- 
vious to the fifth century or perhaps 
the fourth. Kalidasa who has used 
it probably flourished in the fifth 
century.* It is given as the epithet 
of a Persian horse in the Amara 
Koja, which may date from about 
500 A. D. according to Macdonell 
(p. 433), or from the fourth century 
according to Fathak (B. B. R. A. S. 
Journal, Vol. XXIII, p. 280). The 
passages of the Vishnu Purana and 
Mahabharata, which mention the 
Parasikas also refer to the Hunas 
and are hence probably not older 
than the fifth century, as the Hunas 
broke into India in that century 
(V. Smith's History p. 289). The 
Mudra Rakshasa was written in the 
eighth century, and the Katha 
Sarit-Sagara in the twelfth, and 
the fact that they connect the 
Parasikas with events which occur- 



red some centuries before Christ is 
of very little weight ; they are works 
of imagination, and the authors, 
seeming to mean only northern 
freigners in general, have named 
those known to them in their own 
times, the 6akas being included 
in the list of the former, and the 
Hunas and Turushkas in that of 
the latter. 

The Sanjan Landing. 

There is no good reason to doubt 
the tradition that the great majority 
of Parsis now living in India are 
descended from a band of Iranian 
refugees, who landed at or near 
Sanjan in the early centuries of the 
Yazdajardi Era, and were given 
asylum there by a Hindu ruler. But 
the date of this landing and the 
identity of the Hindu ruler are mat- 
ters of dispute, about which various 
theories have been put forward from 
time to time. In Chapter 6 of this 
book Mr. Hodivala has sought to 
establish, that the landing took 
place about A. D. 697 in the reign 
of the Chalukya king Vinayaditya 
of Badami, and that the Hindu 
ruler who is called Jadi Rana in 
the Kisse-i-Sanjan was either Vija- 
yaditya, son and heir-apparent of 
Vinayaditya, or Jayashraya cousin 
and subordinate of Vinayaditya 
with his head-quarters at Nav- 
sari. This inference is based on 
the fact that in three of his grants 
Vijayaditya has described his father 
Vinayaditya as having levied tribute 
from several persons including a 
Parasika or Parasikas. The words 
are the same in all three grants, and 
may mean either " a king of a Per- 
sian island," or " King of Persians," 
or simply " Persians." It is pos- 
sible that there is here an allusion 
to the payment of tribute by the Parsi 
refugees, who landed at Sanjan but 
having regard to the extremely vague 
language used,* one can hardly say 



. * See Macdonell's Sanskrit Literature, * To give an idea of this vagueness I 

p. 326, and the foot-note in V. Smith's will mention a few interpretations, which 
History, p. 288. can be plausibly put on it. It is quite 



iv 



more. If there had been any re- 
ference to Sanjan or a landing of 
Parsis or to giving asylum to Parsis 
within the king's own territory, 
there would have been good reason 
to connect the language with the 
event in question. S me of the 
other theories about the fame sub- 
ject are just as possible as Mr. Hodi- 
vala's, but in my humble opinion 
none can be regarded as beyond 
reasonable doubt. However in try- 
ing to establish these theories their 
authors, as in the present case, have 
brought to notice a large number of 
interesting facts buried in out-of- 
the-way books, or put old facts in 
a new light and this is service which 
all Parsis must acknowledge with 
thanks. It is quite possible that 
new facts may be discovered, which 
in combination with those already 
brought out by them, may eventu- 
ally solve the problems they have 
attempted and many others. 

The Mewar Inscription. 

The Mewcir inscription referred to 
in Chapter 8 is worth noting, but 
the theory that Arisinha fought 
against Alauddin with the help of 
Parsis seems hardly tenable. The 
original translation by the Bhav- 
nagar Archaeological Department is 
quite natural, and the word Para- 
sika seems to have been used for 
the Mahomedans with whom Ari- 
sinha fought. It is true that Turu- 

possible that it refers to the levy of tribute 
from Nestorian Christians from Persian 
territory as conjectured at first by Sir R. 
G. Bhandarkar. (See V. Smith's History 
p. 222). It is quite possible that it refers 
to an embassy from a Persian chief either 
Mahomed an or Zoroastrian with compli- 
mentary gifts* which patriotism has 
interpreted as tribute ; or perhaps it was 
payment for commercial purposes or 
services rendered It is even possible that 
the tribute consisted of nothing moiethan 
import dues levied on goods or ships 
coming from lersian ports; for this veiy 
reason the Gujarat Sultans considered the 
purts of Persia, Arabia, China, and even 
Malta as paying tribute to them. (See 
Bayley's History of Gujarat, pages 18 
and 19). 



shka is the usual term applied t6 
Mahomedans by Hindu writers, 
but this is not always the case. 
In this book there is quoted at 
page 122 another inscription com- 
ing from this vt ry province of 
Mewar of about the same period 
as the one in question in which 
the Mahomedans have been called 
.Saka and Yavana. T here was 
better reason to use the term 
Parasika, for the invaders used 
the Persian language, and some of 
them may have even been natives 
of Persia, although Mahomedan in 
religion. There is no mention of 
any Parsi allies of Arisinha either 
in the Rajput or Mahomedan re- 
cords, to say nothing of Parsi tradi- 
tion ; such omission would hardly 
have occurred, if the help was of 
such importance, that it deserved 
special mention in a poem in praise 
of the family, when ncne of the 
other helpers, even those of Arisin- 
ha' s own family and race, are men- 
tioned. Further whence could the 
poet have got such information 
nearly two centuries after the event? 
If the theory is untenable, 
naturally so are the inferences 
drawn from it in this Chapter, such 
as that there was no battle at 
Sanjan. 

The Sixteen .Slokas. 



The 16 Sanskrit Slokas ( 

l' ) contain an account of the 
Parsi religion and customs, as it is 
supposed to have been given to 
Jadi Rana by the Parsi emigrants. 
They have been rendered accessible 

to Parsi readers by Mr. Hodivala, 
who has edited them with his own 
and previous English and Gujarati 
translations and a Sanskrit commen- 
tary in the Dastur Hoshang Memo- 
rial Volume and allowed the greater 
part of the same to be reprinted 
with Mr. R. B. Paymaster's edition 



of the Kisse-i-Sanjan.* An edition 
of the Slokas has also been prepared 
from various manuscripts by the late 
well-known scholar Krvad Sheriarji 
D. Bharucha, which will be shortly 
published by the Trustees of the Parsi 
Punchayat of Bombay. The oldest 
manuscript known, which contains 
only the first two ^Slokas, was written 
between 1654 and 1694 A.D. Other 
manuscripts containing all the 16 
Slokas are of the ISth century or 
later, and some of them give the 
name of the author as Aka Dharu or 
Ako Adhyaru 3Tf^T 3^"^. Among 
the latter is one of A. D. 1767 con- 
taining a Sanskrit commentary, the 
Hindu author of which calls himself 
Sivarama in his opening verse of 
homage to iva- f Under ordinary 
circumstances the epithet Adhyaru J 



* An English translation of the -Slokas 
published in 1808 by Dr. Drummond in 
his Guiarati and Marathi Grammar, and a 
Gujarati transliteration ^nd translation pub- 
lished in 1826 by Dastur Aspandiarji of 
Broach in his famous book about the 
Kabisa have been reprinted in Mr. Pay- 
master's book, which also contains an old 
Gujarati translation, the l>nguage of which 
seems to be of the 17th or early 
18th century. An English translation 
based principally on materials supplied by 
Dastur Hoshang of I'oona was published in 
1872 by Dr. Burgess in the Indian Anti- 
quary (Vol. I, p. 214), The SloKas as 
found in a manuscript in Kathiawad were 
brought to Jhe notice of the Rajkot Guja- 
rati SShitya Parishad in 1909 by Mr. B, E. 
Enti of Bhavnagar, and published by him 
under the name of PSrsi Smriti with a 
modern Gujarati translation made by a 
Hindu scholar. 

t The information in the last three sen- 
tences is derived from the materials collect- 
ed by Sheriarji. Theie are undated 
manuscripts, but none can be said to be 
earlier than the 18th century. It is 
iivarama's Sanskrit commentary of 1767 
A. D. which Mr. Hodivala has pur-lished 
but without the opening verse containing 
his name. Sheriarji has also included it 
in his edition from a modern copy of the 
fame maHe in 1887 but containing the 
opening verse as well as original colophon 
of 1767. 

J Ako AahySru may be the name of a 
Hindu. My friend Mr. N. B Divatia, a 
recognised authority on the Gujarati lan- 
guage, informs me that Ako is a Hindu 
name, though not a common one, for 



would have given rise to the infe- 
rence that the author was a Parsi 
priest, but Ako is not a common 
Parsi name, and the contents of the 
Slokas, as will be presently seen, 
point to a Hindu rather than a 
Parsi as the author ; at least, if he 
was a Parsi, he seems to have lost 
touch to some extent with Parsi 
doctrine and sentiment. As to the 
age of the Slokas one can make no 
definite assertion, save that they 
were known towards the end of the 
seventeenth century A. D. It is 
possible that they were written some 
centuries before, but at present 
there appears no reliable ground for 
asserting so. 

In Chapter 9 of this book Mr. 
Hodivala has compared with minute- 
ness the account of the Parsi re- 
ligion in the Kisse-i-Sanjan written 
by Bahman Kaikobad in A. D 1599 
with that in the 16 Slokas of Ako, 
and while fully appreciating the 
value of his work, I regret, I can- 
not agree with his conclusions. The 
resemblance between the works of 
Bahman and Ako seems no more 
than what would be due to the same- 
ness of the subject, whereas the 
difference in treatment is so great as 
to leave little doubt that neither 
copied or attempted to copy the 
other in detail, even if he knew of 
the other's work. Bahman's work is 
more orderly and logical, and is 

example, a Pol (street) in Abmedabad 
is named from one Ak Sheth. He 
also informs me that the word AdfaySru. 
besides being the surname of some 
Hindu families, is applied to a Hindu 
priest, who at present performs the humble 
functions of delivering invitations to din- 
ners, caste-meetings, and the like. The 
word miy be derived from the Sanskrit 
Adhvaryu, and Mr. Divatia is prepared to 
accept this derivation at present in spite 
of some philological misgivings. An Adh- 
varyu is a priest who institutes the Adh- 
vara sacrifice. This name is especially 
applied to the Soma sacrifice. As the Parsi 
Haoma ceremony, the most importnnt part 
of the Yasna (Ijashni) ritual, ia the equi- 
valent of the Hindu Soma, one can under- 
stand how a Parsi priest came to be called 
Adhvaryu. 



1 
VI 



entirely in consonance with Parsi 
doctrine, sentiment, and custom, 
whereas Ako's is not so on various 
points, which I proceed to note. 

(a) Bahman begins, exactly as a 
Parsi would, with the name of God 
as the first object of worship and 
foundation for all the rest. On the 
contrary Ako begins with the name 
of the sun, then refers to the five 
elements of Hindu philosophy, and 
puts Hormazd in the third place. 
The order is not accidental, for in 
Hindu poetry, with which Ako seems 
familiar, it is a rule to put in the 
beginning the name of the chosen 
deity |S^cIT. To Ako, either for 
himself or for the Parsis, the sun 
was the chosen deity, not Hormazd. 

() Ako puts in the second place 
for worship the five elements i^?Tcf 
of Hindu philosophy, viz., ether, 
air, fire, water and earth. The Parsi 
religion does not recognise the 
doctrine that these five elements 
constitute the material world and 
are hence entitled to worship. One 
of them, viz., ether* is unknown to 
it. It is true that Bahman also 
prescribes reverence for the sun, 
moon, fire and water, but as he 
explicitly states, it is because they 
are objects of God's good creation 
with good qualities, and God has 
himself ordained their worship. 

(() In the first Sloka Hormazd is 
referred to as Sureja ^T " ruler of 



the gods," an expression hardly 
suitable to mono-theistic Parsis, who 
have therefore in their Gujarati 
translations altered "gods" to 
" angels." The Hindu writer of 
the Sanskrit commentary as well as 
the Hindu translator of Mr. Enti's 
manuscript have used the proper 
synonym for Sura, viz. Deva "god." 
It is probably for the same reason 
that Sheriarji has substituted the 

* 3^^131 * n *ki s case * s not tne s ky> but 
ether called in the -Sloka 3^ " the 

first," which is the posUio n ol this ele- 
ment in Hindu philosophy, 



reading Mahesha IT^T " the great 
ruler " for Sureja in spite of all the 
manuscripts. 

(d) In the third .Sloka Ako com- 
pares the kusti to a snake, an idea 
entirely foreign and even repulsive 
to a Parsi, for the snake is a pro- 
minent object of the evil creation.* 
The idea belongs to the Maga sun- 
worshipers of India, and is fully 
developed in the Bhavishya Purana 
(Chapter 142 of the first Parva), 
where the sacred girdle is derived 
from the snake Vasuki. 

(e) The 6th Sloka lays down pure 
dualism putting Hormazd and Ahri- 
man practically on an equality, f 
An ordinary post-Sassanian Parsi 
would hardly use such language ; he 
would usually indicate in some way 
that the evil one was inferior, limit- 

* As the simile appears in the texts of 
Dastur Aspandiarji and Mr. Enti, in the 
old Gujarati translation and that of Dr. 
Drummond, there is little doubt that it 
belongs to the original. The fact thai it 
does not appear in some manuscripts in- 
cluding the one with the commentary is 
probably due to the sentiment noted above ; 
the wording would seem to have been pur- 
posely altered. It is possiSle that the idea 
was repeated in the 13th Sloka, as the 
reading ISSga of Mr. Enti's manuscript 
for the obscure Yoga of the rest suggests ; 
but it does not seem safe to oase this con- 
clusion on the reading of a single manus- 
cript when opposed to others. 

f I am responsible for the emendation 
f^^fa for the obscure JRlql% of 
the manuscripts, and for the interpreta- 
tion of this Sloka adopted in this book by 
Mr. Hodivala. It seems to mean " we are 
the Parsis in whose doctrine are mentioned 
the two limitless beings, the creator and 
the destroyer, (.respectively) made of light 
and darkness, line joy and sorrow, happi- 
ness and unhappiness, knowledge and 
ignorance, religion and irreligion, pure 
and impure (O health and disease, above 
and below." I have since found that 
Sheriarji has put a similar interpretation 
on this passage, namely, as a description 
of Hormazd and An iman, but he has sub- 
stituted for JRl^^S^ the expression 



iti*v, which does not occur in any 

manuscript. The argument in the text 

above will hold good even without the 

emendation! 



Vll 



ed, and subject to destruction. There 
is no such indication in the Slokas. 

(/) Both Dastur Aspandiarji and 
Mr. Enti read Deva Puja ^^1 
in the third line of the 7th Sloka 
for " worship of God." Th^- use of 
the word Deva for God does not 
prove that the writer preceded 
Neriosengh Dhaval, as Mr. Hodi- 
vala suggests, for the Iranian word 
Dev had its evil significance long 
before Neriosengh. Its use only 
proves that the writer was not fully 
in touch with Parsi sentiment. 

(g) Mr. Hodivala has himself 
drawn attention to the peculiar 
Hindu expressions Jahnvi-Snana in 
the 13th Sloka, Pancha-gavya in 
the 14th and Hormizda-mukham in 
the 16th, and I will not repeat his 
remarks. As the Slokas were written 
presumably for the information 
of Hindus, the use of such expres- 
sions as Pitri, SYaddha and Homa 
for equivalent Parsi terms would be 
natural even for a Parsi, but this 
explanation can hardly apply to the 
terms just mentioned, and still less 
to the other facts noted above. 

Not only is Ako's work uncon- 
formable to ordinary Parsi doctrine 
and sentiment, but also as remarked 
above, it is less orderly than Bah- 
man's. Bahman has dealt with 
each subject in its place, first the 
objects of worship, primarily Hor- 
mazd and next his creatures, after 
that the Sudra and Kusti, and last the 
observances of women in the state 
of ceremonial impurity caused by 
different circumstances in due order. 
On the other hand Ako has dealt 
with the same subject in two 
or more different places, e. g. the 
objects of worship in the 1st and 
12th Slokas, the Sudra and Kusti in 

the 3rd and 13th, et cetera, and has 
mixed up a number of other matters 
with the subject of ceremonial im- 
purity, which itself has been treated 



in a confused and imperfect man- 
ner.* 

It has been suggested that verse 
1 70 is a repetition by Bahman of 
verses 168 and 169, because the 
12th Sloka is a repetition of the 
1st. The latter is a repetition, but 
the farmer is not. Verses 168 ^nd 
169 refer to respect and apprecia- 
tion, whereas verse 170 refers to 
worship ; the two are not identical, 
the latter being a consequence of the 
former. f The preceding arguments 
are I believe sufficient to show that 
Bahman has not copied Ako. 

Many of the facts noted above 
make it doubtful whether Ako was a 
Parsi. No strong inference can be 
drawn as to Parsi authorship from 
the use of Parsi technical terms such 
as Hormazd, Nyasa, Yazad, Kusti 
and Ata'h.J for even a Hindu writ- 
ing about the Parsi religion would 

* I have numbered the Slokas as edited 
by Mr. Hodivala, as that seems to be the 
order of the majority of manuscripts, and 
was probably that of the original. Burgess 
and Sheriarji have followed a different 
orrier, the former remarking. " The 8th, 
9th, lOih llth and 13th in this recencion 
are the 10th, llth, 8th- 13th and 9th res 
pectively < f the older version." Which- 
ever be the original order, the remark 
above holds good, as there is confusion in 
either case. 

f In a manuscript of the Kisse purporting 
to be in Bahman "s own hand in the library 
of the lato Ervad Manekji R. Oonvala, 
verses 110 and 112 to 181 are entirely 
wanting, the second half of the verse 168 
reads, " Parastar i mah o Khurshid o 
nahid," and in verse 169 in place of the 
words " Niku mi danimash " there occur 
the words "Parastish mi kunhn.'' From 
this and other facts of the like kind this 
manuscript seems to be a draft, the text 
now current being the finished product. 
The changes in verses 168 and 169 show 
that Bahman did not merely copy or use 
words at random, but wrote after indepen- 
dent thought and weighed his we rds. 
Further it may be noted that NShid means 
here the angec Anahita or AbSn. rot the 
planet Venus. 

I The words Vidina and Pula cited bv Mr 
Hodivala in tHs connection are doubtful 
emendations not occurrfng in any manus- 
cript, but even if they were used in the 
original the same argument would apply to 
them as to the other words. 



vin 



have become familiar with them in 
his study and might have used them 
in his description. Before conclud- 
ing this subject I would draw atten- 
tion to the use of the word Vyoma 
for heaven in the 15th Sloka in 
place of the ordinary Svarga. 
Vyoma* means the sky, the abode 
of the sun, and is a term specially 
applied to a temple of the sun. 
This and the facts (a) and (c/) noted 
above lead one to believe that the 
writer was either a Maga Brahmana 
himself, or at least a person acqu- 
ainted with their doctrines, and 
inclined to identify them with those 
of the Parsis. What has gone before 
will show that no inference can be 
drawn as to the "age of the -Slokas 
from that of the Kisse or that of 
Neriosengh Dhaval. [See point (_/") 
noted above]. Nor can any be 
drawn from the resemblance of a 
few expressions on the subject of 
Dana, "gift" in the 5th Sloka to 
those in a verse in the Chanda 
PrakcUa, f for such expressions are 
common in Hindu books. 

The Matjas. 

The account of the Magas in 
Chapter 10 is very interesting, and 
Mr. Hodivala has brought out at 
lea<t two facts, which, 1 believe, 
were not noted before, namely, the 
use by the Magas of the Iranian 
word Paitidana (p. 82), and worship 
by them of the Iranian angel 

* Chapters 125 and 126 o f Part I of the 
Bhavishya Purana are devoted to a descrip- 
tion of the Vyoma. 

f This is a work on the calendar said to 
have been written in A. D. 1566 by one 
ChSndS. The only manuscript of it known 
at present is that of \lobed Edulji Nowroji 
bin Shapurji Kaka. who prepared an edition 
of it with a Gujarati transli.eration and 
transla-ion in A. D 1880 during the 
Kabisa controversy. Ervad Sheriarii has 
prepared an edition oi the same, practically 
a o py of Edulji's work, which will be 
shortly printed in the same volume as the 
16 Slokas The genuineness of this work 
and c f passages in it is not free from doubt. 
Even if there was borrowing, it is just as 
possible that Ako borrowed from Chanda as 
the reverse. . 



Sraosha (p. 90) under the name 
Srausha ?fa. The appearance of 
Mihira on the Kushan coins, the 
early grants for his worship, and the 
descripti n in the Brihat Sanhita, 
all point to the conclusion arrived at 
by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, that this 
cult must have been introduced 
under Kushan or Saka princes in the 
early centuries of the Christian Era 
and not later under Sassanian influ- 
ence as suggested by others. The 
Magas could not have been orthodox 
Zoroastrians even before they came 
to India. Ahura Mazda and the Ame- 
shaspentas, the cardinal figures of 
Zoroastrianism, do not appear at all 
in their cult, their place being taken 
by Mihira and his attendants ; while 
image- worship, which is forbidden 
by Zoroastrian teaching, is the cen- 
tre of their ritual, and the main 
purpose for which they were 
imported. Further, having regard 
to the fact that their native country 
is represented as Saka Dwipa, it is 
not improbable that the Magas were 
not even by race Iranian Magi, but 
priests of Saka or other connected 
tribes, who had adopted a mixed 
religion derived partly from Zoroas- 
trian and partly from other sources, 
and the word Maga as applied to 
them meant merely " priest." 

The names of two Iranian angels 
besides Mihira appear in the doc- 
trines of the Magas, as described in 
the first Parva of the Bhavishya 
Purana, namely Sraosha and Rashnu. 
Mr. Hodivala has already noticed 
(p. 90) the name of the first in the 
word sfcrRT in Bh. P. 1143-40. 



The preceding word l\$\-H is not 
an adjective qualifying ^qR, 
but the name of another personage 
^Tff in the dative case. This 
will be apparent from verses 13, 21, 
22, 23 and 24 cf Chapter 124, in 
which the attendants of the sun are 
described and verses 52 and 63 of 
Chapter 130. Rajna and Srau- 



sha* are the two door-keepers 
jJKHfcSl of Mihira and stand close to 
him. Rajna is identified with the 
Hindu Karttikeya fel(THvil and Srau- 
sha with the Hindu Hara ^. 
Fanciful etymologies are given for 
each name. Rajna is derived from 
the root Raj ^T^ " to shine " with 
the suffix Na q", and Srausha from 
the ront ^ " to move " with the 

vo 

suffix Sa ^f. Monier- Williams' diction- 
ary shows that the common form Ra- 
jan is sometimes used for Rajna. The 
following reasons render it probable 
that Rajna or Rajan is the same as 
the Iranian angel of justice, the 
Avesta Rashnu, and Pahlavi Rashn. 
(a) Just as Rajna and Srausha are 
here associated with Mihira, so in 
the Avesta as well as Pahlavi writ- 
ings, Rashnu and Sraosha are closely 
associated with Mithra. According 
to the Mihr Vast 41 Rashnu and 

* In verse 21 the name of Srausha is mis 
spelt as Sreshtha in the only version of the 
text accessible to me. namely, in the edition 
printed in .Srivcnkateshvara Press. Bombay, 
in Samvat 1961. In all the other verses 
the name is properly spelt as Srausha, and 
no doubt is left on the point by ihe etymo- 
logy in verse 28. I give below the verses 
as printed : 




Sraosha help Mithra to defeat the 
armies of his enemies, the liars 
and breakers of promises, accord- 
ing to 100 in similar operations 
Sraosha stands to the right of Mithra 
and Rashnu to his left, according to 
79 and 81 " Mithra made a 
dwelling for Rashnu and to Mithra 
Rashnu gave all his soul for long 
friendship." With the last state- 
ment may be compared the words 
of the Bhavishya Pnrana 1-130-63 



" Rajna of the house and Rudra, 
both of them are dear to the sun " 
In other parts of the Avesta also 
Mithra, Sraosha and Rashnu are 
put together in various connec- 
tions (see Srosh Yajt 21, Far- 
vardin Vast 85,86, Ashi Ya.rt 16, 
Afrin i Paigambar Zarthust 6, 7, 
Yasna XVI-5). They also occur 
together in the calendar as 'the 
angels presiding respectively over 
the 16th, 17th and 18th days of 
the month. Darmesteter states 
in his introduction to the Rashnu 
Yast, "Rashnu Razishta, the truest 
True, is the Genius of Truth ; he 
is one of the three judges of the 
departed with Mithra and Sraosha ; 
he holds the balance in which 
the deeds of men are weighed after 

their death He is an offshoot 

either of Mithra, the god of truth 
and the avenger of lies or of Ahura 
Mazda himself, the all-knowing lord." 
That Mihr, Srosh and Rashn record 
the deeds of men and take part in 
the judgment after death, Rashn 
holding the balance, is related in 
Pahlavi booksf such as the Dadistan 

* If is possible that by Rudra is meant 
in this case Sraosha, for the latter is identi- 
fied, as shown above, with Hara, and both 
Rudra and Ha r a are names of Siva But 
on the other hand it has to be remembered 
that another Attendant of the sun is also 
identified with Rudra, namely Dindin 
ft(i^*t or Dindi f^ft ( Bh. P. 1-124-1 
and 80). 

t This part in the judgment after death, 
assigned to these three angels in the 
Pahlari and later writings, is not to be 
found in any of the Arestft Yarts specially 



X 



i Dinik XIV-3-4, Mino i Khirad 
11-119 to 163, and the Pahlavi Arda 
Viraf Nama Chapter 5. 

(b) In Varahamihira's Panchasi- 
ddhantika (I. 24 and 25) occur the 
names of the 30 lords of the 30 
degrees of a sign of the Zodiac which 
there are good reasons for believing 
to be the names of the angels pre- 
siding over the 30 days of the Parsi 
month,* the identity of a large 
number of them being beyond rea- 
sonable doubt. In this list in one 
of the two manuscripts known the 
angel of the 18th day Rashnu is 
given as Guha. Now according to 
Monier-Williams' dictionary one of 
the meanings of the word Rajan is 
" the name of one of the IS atten- 
dants of Surya, identified with a 
form of Guha." As one authority 
identifies Guha with Rashnu, and 
the other with Rajan or Rajna, the 
two latter are also probably identical. 
Monier-Williams' identification with 
Guha is consistent with that of the 
Bhavishya Purana, as Guha is also 
a name of Karttikeya. 

(r) Finally there is the resem- 
blance between the names Rashn and 
Rajan or Rajna. It is even possible 
that Rashn was pronounced by some 
Iranians or the -Sakas as Razhn, 
Razn, or Rajn. Rashn is derived 
by some philologists from the root 
Raz "to rectify." (See Kanga's 
Avesta Dictionary). 

devoted to these angels, nor, so far as I 
know, in any other Avesta writing, and 
on the other hand these angels do not 
appear in the Avesta passages dealing with 
the judgment afJer death, namely, Ven- 
didftd XIX 26 to 84, Yajt AXll, and 
Ya*t XXIV, 63 to 65. This fact becomes 
very significant when one notes the great 
resemblance < -f this episode to the Egyptian 
representation of the judgment f the dead 
by Osiris and his attendants in the Hall of 
Truth. It looks as if the incident was 
borrowed from Egypt while in the occupa- 
tion of the Achaeraenians, and if this be so, 
the fact tends to show that the Avesta 
writings in question preceded the Achae- 
menian rule. 

* See my Paper on this subjec in Jour. 
, B. R. A. S. Vol. XIX p. 118. 



Even though thus Mithra, Sraosha 
and Rashnu appear to have been 
imported into India, they seem to 
have lost most of their special Ira- 
nian characteristics at least in the 
Bhavishya Purana. Mithra is not 
the special angel of truth and good 
faith the preserver of promises 
and moral relations, but has risen to 
identity with the supreme god of 
Hinduism. On the other hand, 
Sraosha, the angel of divine worship, 
and through it the protector of the 
good creation against evil, and 
Rashnu the angel of justice, the 
best smiter of thieves and bandits, 
have sunk to be mere attendants of 
Mihira without any special moral 
function.* 

The subject of the Magas may be 
closed with the mention of a pecu- 
liar circumstance noted by Alberuni 
in his book on India (Sachau's 
Translation Vol. II, p. 184), that 
the festival in honour of the sun 
used to be celebrated in Multan by 
his worshippers by a year of exactly 
365 days. Such a year is not gene- 
rally employed in India, but it has 
been commonly used throughout 
Iranian lands and Central Asia, 
having been probably introduced 
from Egypt by Darius in his later 
years or Xerxes. It is another indi- 
cation of the place whence the 
worship of the sun was imported. 
Calculation based on the dataf given 

* Can it be that the two Dadophori or 
Torch-bearers of Western Mithraism, 
constant attendants of Mithra and form- 
ing with him the "Triple Mithra" were 
the result of a similar transformation of the 
Iranian Sraosha and Rashnu ? (see Cu- 
mont's Mysteries of Mithra translated by 
Mc-Cormack, page 129.) 

j The interval between the epoch of the 
era of Yazdajard and that of the Khanda- 
khSdyaka is 11968 days (see p. 48 of the 
same book). To this add 98040 the num- 
ber of the day of the latter era on which 
the festival fell. Divide the total 110008 
by 365, andthe quotient 301 is the number 
of the Yazdajardi years elapsed, and the 
remainder 143 is the number of the day 
of the current 302nd year, on which the 
festival fell. 



by Alberuni shows that the festival 
must have fallen in the 302nd year 
of Yazdajard on the I43rd day of 
what is called the Persian year by 
Alberuni. This day, the 23rd of 
the 5th month of what is now known 
as the Kadimi calendar, does not 
coincide with any festival of the 
Persians now known or recorded by 
Alberuni. But it is also the J3Sth 
day of the Sughdian year of Samar- 
kand and on that day, namely Roz 
Rashn of the month Ashnakhanda 
fell the Sughdian festival of " Baba- 
khwara, also called Bamikhwara, 
that is, drinking the good pure 
must." (See Sachau's translation of 
Alberuni's Chronology of Ancient 
Nations, pages 56 and 221). Whe- 
ther this is a pure coincidence or 
otherwise, it is not possible to say at 
present. 

Dr. Spooner's Paper. 

It would be out of place to discuss 
Dr. Spooner's paper here, but I may 
remark that I agree to a large extent 
with Mr. Hodivala's conclusions, 
although not with some of his argu- 
ments. No doubt Persia borrowed from 
India and India from Persia in various 
matters at various times. It is pos- 
sible that the idea of an Indian 
coinage was first suggested by the 
Persian, and it is probable that the 
Kharoshthi script derived from the 
Aramaic was introduced into India 
by Persian officials. There are good 
reasons for believing that the regal 
pomp of the Mauryan court was to 
some extent copied from the Persian, 
that the Mauryas employed Persians 
as soldiers, architects, ma-ons, and 
in other capacities, that stone 
architecture on a large scale, scul- 
pture, and the erection of monuments 
with inscriptions were due to Persian 
iufluence under the Mauryas. It is 
even possible that the Mauryan 
palaces were imitated from those at 
Persepolis. It is also not improba- 
ble that Iranian doctrine, tradition, 
and ritual had some share in the 
formation of Mahayana Buddhism. 
But with all possible deference to 
Dr. Spooner's great learning it is 



difficult to believe that the Indian 
court in the time of Chandragupta 
" was almost wholly Persian," that 
there was a following of Persian cus- 
toms " all along the line in public 
works, in ceremonial, in penal insti- 
tutions, everything," that Asura 
Maya is identical with Ahura Mazda, 
that the words Maurya and Meru 
have Iranian origins, that the Mau- 
ryan monarchs were '* Iranians in 
race and Zoroastrian in faith," that 
Chanakya and even the Nandas were 
Iranians, that the Atharva Veda is the 
production of Magian priests, that 
Magadha is the country of the Iranian 
Magi, that Garuda is the Iranian 
Garo Nmana, that the Yavanas who 
invaded Orissa were Iranians, and 
that they penetrated even to Asmara, 
that the worship of Sakti is also due 
to the Iranian Magi, that the 6akas 
were really Iranians, that the 6akyas 
were really 6akas and so Iranian, 
that hence Buddha was Iranian in 
origin and his teachings Zoroastrian 
in source, that " the details of the 
Buddha story, particularly in the 
cycle of the nativity, were brought 
into India before the Buddha's birth, 
and were then attached to his person 
with local adaptations," that "Bud- 
dhism is a spiritual acclimatisation 
ofa section of domiciled Iranians." 
I will conclude with some remarks 
about my letter to Mr. Hodiwala 
printed at page 105 of this book and 
his comments on it. The Ptolemy 
with whom Weber has sought to 
identify Maya is not one of the kings 
of Egypt, as might be inferred from 
the author's remarks at p. 102 of 
this book, but the great astronomer, 
from whom the Ptolemaic system 
derives its name, and who flourished 
in the second century A. D. It is only 
for the identification of the name, 
not of the person that Weber has 
referred to the inscription of Ajoka. 
In spite of the comments at p. 
106 en the last part of my letter, 
and the remarks in connection with 
" Buildings in Rigvedic times " at 
p. 104, for the reasons given by me 
in the said letter I must adhere to 



my opinion, which is in agreement 
with that of Dr. Spooner. The ques- 
tion can hardly arise as to the 
material of the pillars in the two 
verses of the Rigveda quoted at p. 
104, namely Rv. II- 41-5 and V 
62 6, for they are the pillars of an 
imaginary building in heaven, the 
home of the two gods Mitra and 
Varuna.* But the bard may have 
had in mind some earthly building 
for comparison, and the pillars of 
such i building were more likely to 
have been of wood than of stone. 

General Cunningham's remark 
can hardly apply to Vedic times, for 
he limits the knowledge of stone 
architecture to two centuries before 
Aioka However that may be, the 
only reason of his that is quoted, 
namely, the derivation of the name 
Taksha-rila is an extremely dubious 
one. The true derivation seems to 
be that given in Monier- ^ illiams' 
Dictionary under the word Taksha- 
sila, which is also preferred by the 
writer of the article on Shahdehri 
in the Imperial Gazeteer of India 
1911. Takshanla means "the 
rock of Taksha." This Taksha is 
identified with the Naga King 
Taksha who had his residence there 
according to the Ramayana VII 
10111. Whether this identifica- 
tion be correct or not, the derivation 
is grammatically correct, whereas 
Cunningham's does not seem to be 
so. The name is simply Takshasila 
as given by Panini (IV 3 93). 
without any word like Nagara after 
it, which Cunningham -eems to 
have added to justify his etymology. 
Further " cut stone " would be 
Tashtajila cT2!R5T, not Takshanla 



The argument in favour of the 
early existence of stone architecture 
in India would have a stronger 
foundation in the Rigvedic verse IV 

' See p. 23 of Macdonell's Vedic Mytho- 
logy in Buhler's Encyclopaedia of Indo- 
Aryan Research. 



30 20, if Pur can be taken to mean 
" town. " But according to very 
competent modern authority,* in the 
Rigveda it only means a place of 
temporary refuge, a rampart of har- 
dened earth with palisades and a 
ditch strengthened occasionally with 
stone. Even iron ( STR^ft) Purs are 



mentioned in the Rigveda, and even 
Dutt admits at the very place quot- 
ed by Mr. Hodivala (Ancient India 
Bk. I Chap, ill) that " this must be 
taken in a figurative sense as signi- 
fying strong forts." The Sutra of 
Apastamba only refers to a palace 
and a hall, not to the material of 
which they were built. 

As I have said in my letter, "one 
cannot be sure in the matter." The 
present opinion is based only on the 
existing evidence ; fresh discoveries 
may lead to a change. I cannot 
close this subject better than by 
quoting the words of a fully qualified 
judge. V. Smith, in the 1920 Edition 
of his Oxford History of India p. 
Ill : " The general use of stone in 
northern India for building, sculp- 
ture, and decora'ion certainly dates 
from the reign of Asoka, who was 
influenced by Persian and Greek 
example. I do not either assert or 
believe that prior to the days of 
Asoka the art of bui'ding in stone 
was absolutely unknown in India, or 
that all artistic work was executed 
in perishable material, but the 
ascertained facts indicate that pre- 
vious to h s reign permanent materi- 
als were used rarely and sparingly 
either for architecture or for orna- 
ment. Wht-n Megasthenes was at 
Pataliputra, the city was defended 
by a wooden palisade. The walls, 
the stone palace within the city and 
many sacred edifices are ascribed to 
Asoka." _ __ 

* Macdonnell and Keith's Vedic Index, 
article '' Pur." See also Macdonell's Sans- 
krit Literature p. 158, where he ends with 
the sentence, "There is nothing to show 
that they were inhabited) much less that 
Pur ever meant a town or city, as it did in 
later times." 



NOTE. 

BY 
MR. G. K. NARI$AN. 



It was some twenty years ago that 
I had to appeal to the Parsi com- 
munity to get out of the groove of 
the traditional studies by which I 
meant the Avesta and kindred texts 
and the Western translations, com- 
mentaries and histories written by 
English and continental authors all 
of whom had more or less confined 
their researches to the Greek and 
Latin writers with an occasional 
glance at the men who have be- 
queathed to us their observations 
and studies in the Arabic language. 
For it was part, prejudice and part 
ignorance which were responsible 
for the total neglect of Arabic sour- 
ces. Barring the authors usually 
drawn upon, the huge mass of Arabic 
literature with its constant and con- 
temporary references to Persia re- 
mains at least as regards the social 
conditions of mediaeval Iran a terra 
in ogmte.* I have endeavoured to 
show how much of Parsi interest lies 
interred in the unindexed volumes in 
Ara -ic in my " Iranian influence 
on Moslem literature."! 

The Armenians who were long 
the contemporaries of the Sasanians 
have left annals which have not 
been utilised with an eye to Persian 
matters since the day of Patkanian.J 
No beginning as yet has been made 
in scientific investigations into the 
huge Chinese annals relating to 

* A description of Sasanian Persia from 
Within in all its social and political phases 
fs provided in my forthcoming '' Persia of 
the Sasanians." 

t See p. 163 et seq. 

\ The publications of the Societe des Etu- 
des Ai meniennes promise to be the most 
interesting in the la est literature on the 
subject. As M. Meillet says "thewoids 
borrowed by the nrme. i-m language from 
the Parthians are among the most valuable 
sasets of the Iranian linguistics." 



Zoroastrianism, no effort systematic 
or otherwise has been made to 
secure this valuable and reliable 
auxiliary in determining the circum- 
stance under which immediately 
after the disruption of the Sasanian 
Empire certain Parsis settled in 
China and established fire-temples.* 
The Syriac literature with its biogra- 
phies of Pt-rsian martyrs to Chris- 
tianity which introduce us to many 
an aspect of the sacerdotal life of 
Sasanian Zoroastrians has not awak- 
ened the curiosity of the learned 
Parsi. t 

* The studies of Chavannes and J. Mar- 
quart have not yet attracted sufficient atten- 
tion. See the Eran-shahar of the latter 
(p. 90) on Buddhism in Bakfria. 

Sharastani enumerating some of the Fire- 
temples mentions th ^se in India and China 
in the last section of Vol. I ot his Milal vial 
Nahal. 

On Arabic literature as a source of Parsi 

history I have touched at length in my 

'Njtes on Paru History in Ara we Works, " 

Journal of Iran Association Sept. 1918, 

p. 201 et seq. 

f The fact of Pahlavi wjrks translated 
into Syriac fulfilling the role of inter- 
mediary oetween the East and the West is 
now an established c mmonplace. 

The Syriac Acts of Zoroastrian Martyrs 
to Cnristianity, though to be cautiously 
used for obvious reasons, are a mine of 
information on the domestic life of Sasanian 
Iran. The collections of Assemani and 
Bejan werediawn upon by Hoffmann forty 
years agj, Auszuge aus Syrischen Aktcn' 
Particulaily intere=ting are the sketches of 
the life of Adarparwa and Meher-narsi and 
their sister Mahdukht ; of Gushtazad, of 
Shahdost. Sometimes we know only the 
Christian names like Berik-yeshu, Abd- 
yeshu. It is interesting to notice the 
diffeience between Christian and Islamic 
biographers with regard to the biogra- 
phies of the converts. The Christians give 
details of the career of the converts so far 
as they are able to ascertain ; the Moslem 
do not consider the life as worth recording 
except after the adoption of Islam. thus 
while it is difficult to learn the antecedents 



xiv 



That the Parsis should have creat- 
ed no important literature of their 
own since their advent to India 
except Rewayats*, transcriptions of 

of such neo- .Moslems as the poet Mahyar, 
th miuisier of Alamun Fazl ibn bahl and 
his t>. other, and mauy another who are 
famous in the annals of Islam, we are well 
posted as to trie particulars of the Jives of 
Behnam and Sara, of Gurbarlaha and Kazo 
the childern of King Sapor, of Gregory 
whose Zoroastrian name was Piran-gush- 
nasp and George who was born of Mehran- 
gusnnasp. Some of tnese Christian con- 
verts carried into their adopted faith their 
hereditary religious zeal and ose to .be 
Patnaichs like Mar Aba (536-552 .->. D.)- 

I have already indicated elsewhere that 
the bible was translated into Pahlavi for the 
benefit of r^rsi proselytes to Christianity 
and that the fragment A a Pahlavi Voca- 
bulary has been discovered which could have 
been designed mainly for the converts. 

On the position ol Pahlavi as the language 
of religious and intellectual intercoutse in 
the Christian centuries preceding the Arab 
invasion, see my Literary History of Sans- 
krit Budhism, Appendix V, p. 224-230. 

The most readable account of Chris- 
tianity in the Sasanian Empire is Wigram s 
"Assyrian Church," a quaint (but justifi- 
able) designation which has probably hinder- 
ed the popularity of the book. The best 
French works are Labourt's CAristianisme 
dans I empire Perse and R. Duval's 
Litterature Syriaque, 

* In spite of the hilf hearted assurances 
from our Dasturs and other custodians of our 
traditional literature that there are no mss. 
in Pahlavi, Pazand or Persian which have 
not been publishtd, it would appear that the 
Parsi community is still no. in a position to 
face 'he learned Occident and asservate 
that it has placed at the disposa oi the 
latter lot research all the tra i ional mate- 
rial in its possession. The prinuple of K. 
R. Cama in this respect has ceased to be 
operative- Our pionee- scholar stressed 
the vital importance of printing everything 
of our Lterary heritage. At my request 
Mr. Dhabhar, M. A , has drawn up a provi- 
sional list of texts, Pahlavi and Persian, 
which await publication if not edition : 



1. Shayast la Shayast. 

2. Dadistan (second half). 

8. Rivayet of Hemet-i Ashavahishtan, 

4. Aogemaide 

(Avesta- Pazand was published in 1878 
by Geiger). 

5, Andarz-i Aoshnar Danak (about 1400 
words)) 



texts and a few translations is con- 
ceivable but it is regrettable that the 
Sanskrit texts which speak of the 
Parsis and of tribes more or less 
religiously allied have also been 
allowed to remain a sealed book. 

A systematic examination of the 
Puranas especially the Bhavishya 
for the purpose of learning the con- 
ditions of people who strike us by 
their similarity with the Parsis was 
first suggested by me when I came 
upon the startling resemblances 
between the Parsi customs and those 
depicted as peculiar to the Magas in 
the Magavriti.* Since then I have 
looked into the cognate Bhavishya 

6. A short text of 90 words about the 
best and the worst things. 

7. Madigan-i Si-roz (about 1150 words). 

8. A commentary on Ashem Vohu. 

9- INirang av u padyare Yashtan (cere- 
mony of the consecration of Nirang- 
din) with other ritual directions in 
Pahlavi as given in the Yasna Mss. 

PERSIAN. 

1. Zartosht-Nameh. 

. Saddar Nazm. 

8. Saddar Biher-i Tawil. 

4. Dodar bin Dadukht. 

5. Araste. 

6 Changraghach-nameh. 

7. Olma-i Islam and Saogaud-nameh 
(published abont 50 or 60 years ago 
by Mohl.) 

A codex worthy of attention reposited in 
St Petersburg, is described by C. -alemann 
which does not seem to be familiarly known 
in Bombay. It contains, inter aha, Hor- 
mazd Yesht in Pazand and Pahlavi, the 
Pazand of certain sections of Vandidad VIII, 
two glossaries and Atash Nyayisn. The 
codex does not seem to be provided with a 
colophon. a serious defect. But its con- 
tents desc rve a detailed scrutiny in English. 
It testifies to the popularity of the omena et 
portenta literature of the Par sis unfavour- 
ably commented upon by Aratic writers 
like Ibn Kutaiba. 

* The value of Magavritti and Parasi- 
prakasha of Krishnadasa fur the history of 
Parsis in India has been touched up ->n by me 
in the literature columns of the " Bombay 
Chronicle " My copy of the forrrer has 
unfortunately been lost ry Dr. i'poone who 
could not ortain i; elsewhere in India and 
to whom it was loaned by me Weber wao 
has carefully studied the latter su raised a 
Parsi hand in the compilation of this Parso- 
Sanskrit glossary, 



fcv- 



Purana and although portions of the 
present t* xt of Bhavishya Purana are 
palpable interpolations, the light it 
throws on the tribe or tribes whose 
customs so forcibly remind us of our 
own, represents practices of a toler- 
able antiquity.* It admits of little 
doubt th tt there were settlements in 
India of Parsis or peculiar sects of 
Parsis before the conquest of Persia 
by Islam. 

Mr. S. K. Hodivala who has pa- 
tiently and systematically laboured to 
ascertain what the Purana has to 
give us in the shape of reliable in- 
formation regarding the Parsis, has 
touched upon the genesis of this 
migration from Persia into India. 
As in most Islamic problems it seems 
to me that rival texts could be end- 
lessly adduced on one sHe or the 
other. What I have shown to my 
community is not that the Parsis at 
the first impact of the Arab invaders 
started to live a life of ideal earthly 
prosperity in Persia, but that a dis- 
passionate analysis of the causes 
of their downfall and conversion 
proves that society and state were 
rotten to the core under the later 
Sasanians which circumstance was 
responsible more than any zeal, 
enthusiam or bigotry on part of the 
Islamic Arabs for the well nigh total 
extinction of Zoroastrians from 
Persia in an inconceivably short 
period. Whatever the attitude of 
the ruling classes and theologians, 
it cannot be denied that there were 
impartial men of intellect who have 
treated the religion and custom of 
the former rulers of Persia in a 
spirit of impartiality. If a compara- 
tive study is made of the religious 

* I can claim to have first invited the notice 
of my co-religionists to the sun worship- 
pers called Bhojakas or Magas "undoubtedly 
connected with the Ziroastrian sun and fire 
cult " to whom a section has been devoted 
in the Bhavishyapurana. In order to bring 
its importance to the notice of the widest 
interested circle I translated for the 
" Bombay Chronicle " the entire masterly 
analysis of the Puranas by Winternitz soon 
after I reeived his Histtrv of Indian 
Literature in 1913. 



spirit of the Parsis towards Chris- 
tianity and the attitude of j- the 
Islamic Persians towards non Mos- 
lems and if the Shia religious 
literature of Persia is scrutinised, it 
will be found that the zealotry of the 
modern Moslem Persian is but a 
heritage of his Zoroastrian ancestor. 
But even if the large Arabic litera- 
ture were saturated with prejudice 
against the Parsi, its neglect as a 
source of indirect information is 
unjustifiable. For it is impossible 
for any coherent thinker to indulge 
in diatribes against his opponents 
without here and there unwittingly 
giving us welcome knowledge. In 
the early Arabic literature there are 
few names associated with greater 
literary activities than that of Tahiz. 
This prolific writer who flourished 
in the century is not particularly 
partial to the Parsis, but fully 
illustrates my contention that even 
he who enters with zest into religi- 
ous controversies against the Zoroas- 
trians is obviously worthy of study 
on account of the glimpses that he 
incidentally affords us of the social 
and religious practices of Zoroas- 
trian Persia under the Khalifas. In 
his Kitab al Haywan for instance, 
Jahiz has a long tirade against the 
tenents of Zoroaster but in the midst 
of his polemic he gaves two bits of 
historical and social interest. 
Whenever any inexplicable or un- 
fashionable custom is to be denounc- 
ed it is the tendency of the advanc- 
ed among our community to prompt- 
ly refer it to Moslem or Hindu 
influences. The attitude of a scien- 
tific inquirer would not be one of off- 
hand condemnation, of what appear- 
ed out of harmony with our modern 
conceptions of right and the ethical- 
ly acceptable. What appears to us 
objectionable in our modern semi- 
Christian environments was owing 
to intelligible reasons regarded as 
salubrious by our ancestors. We do 
not know, for instance, how to 
account for the orthodox Parsi pre- 
judice against the cat. But it 
certainly is not due to any foreign 



XVI 



influence. It is conceivable that the 
animal was hated because partiality 
was shown t-> it by tbe Arab Musal- 
mans but that this feeling of loath- 
ing towards the domestic animal 
was as old as the tenth century we 
learn from the polemica' passage in 
question from Jahiz. Further the 
same section tells us of the custom 
which was universal even in his time 
among the Zoroastrhns not to pro- 
selytise. It has often been contend- 
ed that as conversion is enjoined in 
the older Avesta texts it could not 
have been interdicted in Persia but 
that it was prohibited only in India 
on the all-sufficing ground of the 
dangerous possibility of the absorp- 
tion of the community by the 
millions of the n^n-Zoroastrians of 
India. But from Jahiz we learn that 
the same disinclination to, if not 
positive embargo on. conversion 
obtained in his day in Mesopotamia 
and Persia. 

It will take years perhaps genera- 
tions before we have among us 
Parsis of wealth and influence such 
as would rise superior to popular 
trend of thought and devote their 
means to the ascertaining of truth 
regardless of its provenance. It is 
not every decade that produces a 
Sorabji Jamshedji who gathered to- 
gether a large number of Arabic and 
Persian texts and demonstrated the 
sympathy of some of the Musalman 
authors* and theologians for Persians 

* The Pahlavi book of Ganjeshayigan has 
the unique merit to supply direct source of 
chapter i-. Firdausi. There is almost com- 
plete identity between the Persian version 
and the Pahlavi text It is most important 
that as against Noeldeke and others, Dar- 
mesteter holds that there is strong ground 
to believe that Firdausi was familiar with 
Pahlavi. In one of Firdausi's lyrics for 
instance he refers to Pahlavi as distineui- 
shed from Arabic in a manner which leaves 
little d^ubt about his having directly studied 
Pahlavi materials. 

Basi ranj didam basi guftah khvandam 

Ziguftari tazi wz Pahlavi 

This Pahiavi text snpplies us a key to the 
method followed by Firdausi which becomes 
apparent from a juxtaposition of the Piih- 



in an age when an effort of the kind 
must have sounded irrational if not 
heretical to minds accustomed only 
to anathemas against non-Zoroastrian 
and especially Moslem authors. 

It is a matter of solid congratula- 
tion, therefore, that middle class 
men of enlightenment like Mr. J. E. 
Saklatwalla have come forward to 
give the lead to their immeasurably 
more prosperous co-religionists. The 
little book of my erudite friend 
Mr. Hodivala whose devotion to 
learning is undisputed, is a substan- 
tial contribution to investigations on 
the lines indicated by me long ago. 
The labour of original research 
involved in the preparation of the 
monograph reflects as much credit 
on his unassuming perseverance as 
on the enlightened generosity of his 
patron who e liberality is not the 
less admirable because it is exercis- 
ed by one in his moderate circum- 
stance. It was easier for a Baronet 

lavi and the Persian. He has adhered 
faithfully to his original except in matters 
of 'eligion where the Zoroastrian view 
would too glaringly have obtruded itself on 
his Musalman readers. He has availed him- 
self of a poet's license sometimes to add im- 
material matters for the purpose of rhyme. 
The Ganjeshaegan was translated into 
Arabic by Fbn Mu>kavaih. Both Firdausi 
and Ibn Muskavaih worked independently. 
The latter has preserved more of the Pahlavi 
thin of the former. For the history of the 
Persian philology it will be intere-'ing to 
compare Firdausi's version with the Persian 
translation prepared from the Arabic render- 
ing of Ibn Muskavaih by the order of Akbar 
and called Javidan Khired. 

Ibn Muskavaih was closely connected 
with Z Toastrianism Musalman writers 
have given unstinted praise to the Jawidan 
Khirad and love to describe how this 
treasure of ancient wisdom was discovered 
in the time of Mamun and how when trans- 
lated for him the Khalifa exclaimed " Here 
is speech not what e utter " One of these 
description is preserved in a didactic tract 
of Ghazali called T-tbar-al-Masbuk which 
was originally composed in Persian for 
Malekshah the Saljuk and subsequently 
turned into Arabic. 

For Persian works of importance from the 
Zoroastrian stand-point as well as for a 
more detailed indication of the " Sources of 
Parsi History " see Journal of the Iranian 
Association, 1918 Dec, p. 826. 



XY11 



to endow a scholarship or even a 
chair of Zoroastrian research than 
for a man of Mr. Saklatvala's means 
to prom >te religious investigation 
which promises no material return. 

I hope the example set here may 
prove contagious. Let another Parsi 
scholar do, say for a Persian text, 
what Mr. Hodivala has achieved for 
the Sanskrit Purana. The paro- 
chialism which would have research 



into Parsi antiquities by a Parsi or 
no research at all is happily extinct 
in the community. But the spirit 
uufortunately abroad among wealthy 
circles inclines to the opposite. It 
refuses to see genuine scholarship 
among Parsis and is eager to patro- 
nise pliant and subservient Madrasis. 
It is more reprehensible than the 
orthodox illiberality which saw no 
beneficent activity in the non-Parsi 
world. 



NOTE 



BY 



MR. A. GOVINDACHARYA SWAMIN OF MYSORE. 



The account of the Parsis of India 
is well drawn by the author and the 
book contains numerous quotations 
from various sources. The author 
has spared no pains to spread before 
the reader a vast collection of 
opinions and incidents anent sub- 
stantiating his conclusions that the 
Parsis were originally the Aryans 
of Aryavarta. 

The reader is puzzled to know 
how and under what circumstances 
the original whole of the Indo- 
Aryan stock came to be riven into 
two separate sections nearly render- 
ing the identity of the one part with 
the other extremely difficult. 

The quotations cited in this book 
lead one to think of the Parthians, 
the Prithus or the Parsus or the 
Modern Parsis themselves as being 
quite alien in view of the animosity 
and jealousy displayed by tho 
ancient Hindu kings towards them. 
Moreover the constant struggle 
among both the parties and the 
eventual subversion of the Parsis are 
facts well nigh proving that they 
were entirely alien who could not be 
allowed to settle themselves in the 
land without experiencing utmost 
resistence. The mention of the 
Parsis (the Pahlavas) as Kshatri 
tribe in Manusmriti and their hav- 
ing been condemned to the condi- 
tion of Sudras on account of the 
omission of rites and transgressing 
the orders of the Brahmanas does 
not prove that they were Indo- 
Aryans, as other tribes also have been 
mentioned in the same strain, who 
are distinctly foreigners which the 
word Mleccha justly signifies- It 
may therefore be concluded that in 
the absence of sufficient data the 
Parsis cannot be conclusively proved 
to be an identical section of the Indo- 



Aryans but may be safely asserted 
that they were the earliest immi- 
grants into India. 

The later history of the influence 
of the Parsis can be gathered from 
what prevailed at the time of the 
rule of the kings of the Mauryan 
Dynasty over India. It is surmised 
also that the Mauryan kings were 
the followers of Zoroastrianism not 
unmixed with Buddhism however, 
Can it be said that religious persua- 
sions prove national identity ? Nor 
can we assert that all Christians are 
Hebrews because the Christ was 
Hebrew by nationality. 

It may be that the Parsis an obs- 
cure horde of Scythian Origin from 
all the provinces of Upper Asia had 
migrated into India, and having 
been subdued by the Hindu kings 
who compelled them to adopt a 
last portion in the scale of Hindu 
society as we know from the story 
of the King Sagara as related in 
Vishnupurana and Harivamsa that 
when the Sakas, Yavanas, Kambojas, 
Paradas and Pahlavas were about to 
be destroyed by Sagara, they went to 
Vasishiha his family guru for sur- 
render and were compelled to abandon 
their religion and association with 
the twice born tbe Kshairiyas (?) 
and to wear their hair free and 
wear beards also It is interesting 
to note that Dr. R. Caldwell 
thinks that Sagara commanded 
the different races he subdued, 
to do merely what they had been 
doing. According to the latter 
opinion it may be concluded that 
the Pahlavas or Parasikas had been 
commanded merely to revert to their 
own religion which of course was 
not the same as that of Sagara 
although they had come to adopt a 
religion to which Sagara belonged, 



xix 



That the Parsis of the present day 
are classed as a separate tribe is a 
well known fact. Their worships of 
the Fire and other elements are not 
proofs of Hindu identity, as we know 
that the ancient Druids had a system 
of worship and a conduct of life 
which resembled that of the Hindus 
in many respects. Can they be said 
to belong to the Hindu category ? 

That the Parsis settled themselves 
in India long before historical times 
and thac they were not however 
Indo-Aryans maybe fairly concluded. 
But they absorbed to the utmost the 
Hindu ways. 

The book discu-ses many import- 
ant issues anent the Parsis, all of 
which is extremely interesting and 
reflects great credit on the part of 
the author who is not dealing \*ith 
the questions with anv bias or pre- 
diltctions. He lays facts, sometimes, 
as they are found and leaves the 
reader at liberty to form his own 
opinion : thus paving a way for 
others interested in the subject to 
discuss it in the best way they can. 

We are much indebted to the 
author for the vast collection of 



material which bespeaks an exten* 
sive acquaintance with the literature 
extant concerning a subject not at- 
tempted to be dealt with so exhaus- 
tively hitherto. 

The book is so replete with 
materials for a thesis either for or 
against the common cradle Hindu- 
stan, both for the Hindus and the 
Parsis, that time permitting, many 
more reflections are capable of being 
advanced. This I shall attempt and 
do for a future occasion. Mean- 
while the Hindu-Parsi origin is a 
particular species of the more 
general problem of the common 
cradle of the whole Aryan branch of 
prehistorical humanity. In my book 
on Ideals of India I have launched 
a suggestion of all humanity having 
migrated from the regions of the 
Himalayas. My book on Mazdeism 
in the Light of Vaishnavism has a 
great bearing also on this subject 
and I may advert to these questions 
again. Meanwhile the Memorial 
volume for my spiritual son Dorabji 
Sakalatwala, so ably prepared by 
Sri Hodivala is warmly recommended 
to the public. 



FOREWORD 

BY 
THE AUTHOR. 



The subject matter of this book, 
which contains various references to 
the Parsis in Sanskrit books, inscrip- 
tions &c. was read in the form of 
several papers in the meetings of 
the "Society for the Promotion of 
Researches into Zoroastrian Reli- 
gion " about three years ago. Mr. 
M. P. Khareghat, who is one of the 
respected Trustees of the Parsi 
Punchayet of Bombay and who has 
been unanimously recognised as a 
veteran Oriental Scholar of rare 
ability, has been as the chairman of 
the abovenamed Society taking deep 
interest in its proceedings. He was 
good enough to attend almost all the 
meetings, and sometimes when 
pressed he offered remarks in his 
usually very terse and guarded man- 
ner. For instance, on one occasion 
he observed that the references in 
the Mahabharata &c were probably 
interpolations of much later times 
than I supposed, and on another 
occasion he pointed out that the 
word "Parasika" in the Mewar 
inscription seemed to be used for 
Mahomedans. Now in the whole 
range of Sanskrit literature the word 
" Parasika" has been, so far as I 
knew, used for the Parsis only and 
for no other nation. This was one 
of the reasons why I was inclined 
to put a new interpretation upon the v 
passage and bring forth a novel 
theory, although I knew that it would 
not be easily acceptable. I was well 
acquainted with the fact that there 
was no tradition nothing in the 
Kisseh-i-Sanjan or any other book 
about the Parsis having fought at 
Chitor with the Mahomedans ; but 
the hitherto uucorroborated incidents 
of the battle of Sanjan recorded in 
the Kisseh fitted in so exactly with 
those of the Chitor battle, that I 
did not hesitate to suggest the theory 



either that Bahman had made a 
confusion about the battlefield, or 
that he was ignorant of this other 
battle. I do not claim infallibility 
for my interpretation and the con- 
clusion based upon it ; more con- 
vincing proof than that of Mr. 
Khareghat might show that I 
was wrong ; but I shall deem my 
labours amply repaid, if my argu- 
ments appeal to some of the readers 
to make further investigations either 
as regards the battle of Chi^or, or 
regarding any reference to the word 
" Parasika" in Sanskrit literature 
used indubitably for an alien. Believ- 
ing firmly as I did that a student, 
who startled the scholarly world with 
a new theory, should not fight shy 
of adverse criticism, I was deter- 
mined that when the book was print- 
ed, I should request Mr. Khareghat 
to write a preface embodying his 
views whether for or against the 
different questions dealt with in the 
book. The fact that he had helped 
me by giving his views about Asura 
Maya, which are incorporated in this 
book, (see pages 105 and 106) em- 
boldened me to think that he would 
not displease me. Accordingly at 
my request he took up the work and 
finished it with great credit to his 
learning, for which I hereby tender 
my best thanks. 

I welcome Mr. Khareghat's views 
given in unambiguous language, 
although in some places he has 
contradicted mine, as I had ex- 
pected from such a well-read 
scholar of great critical acumen, and 
ripe judgment. Mr. Khareghat's 
remarks, specially those wherein he 
differ-; from me, would undoubtedly 
supply food for thought and material 
for investigation to any future inquirer. 
For instance, according to him the 



XXI 



word "Parasika" used in the Mudra 
Rakshasha and Katha-sarit-sagar 
referred to events which occurred 
many centuries before them and 
that it was used by the authors for 
" the northern foreigners," because 
these people (the 1-arasika;-) were 
mentioned along with the 6hakas 
and Hunas, who broke into India 
long after the said events. But the 
argument that the Parasikas, Shakas 
and Hunas were brought to India by 
the invaders as hirelings at a certain 
time and that probably they went 
back to their countries after doing 
their duty, is quite different from 
the argument that they came to 
India as invaders or even as con- 
querors long alter the time mention- 
ed above. Indeed I cannot under- 
stand why Mr. Khareghat says under 
the heading '' Parasika," that the 
word" Parasika" used by the author 
of Mudra Rakshasha was meant only 
for ''northern foreigners in general," 
when he himself, in another 
place, (namely under the heading 
"Dr. Spooner's Paper") admits 
that " there are good reasons for 
believing that the Mauryas em- 
ployed Persians as soldiers." How- 
ever that may be, the point raised 
by Mr. Khareghat is important. 
Similarly in regard to the question 
of the Prithus and Parshus in the 
Rigveda, and the question whether 
stone buildings existed in India in 
pre-Mauryan times or not, I must 
say that I am at a loss to know 
whether one should give the palm to 
Western scholarship or to Eastern 
scholarship. Take the question of 
the date of Panini. European 
scholars like Max Muller and Mac- 
donell would assign about 300 B.C. 
to Panini; whereas Sir R. G. Bhan- 
darkar Dutt and others would push 
back the date by about 5 centuries. 
Whom are we to believe ? It is clear 
that those who have taken their 
education in European atmosphere 
(I do not refer to VIr. Khareghat, but 
I speak generally) prefer European 
scholarship, which, as is well known, 
has been in several cases found 



lacking. Personally I prefer to fol- 
low Eastern scholarship with due 
safeguards. 

Mr. Khareghat's different inter- 
pretations about the inscriptional 
passage of the Chalukya king 
Vija)aditya will have to be consi- 
di red in the light of the context 
and the then circumstances. The 
questions about the date and author- 
ship of the 1 > Sanskrit Shlokas are 
important. They were discussed 
somewhat in the meetings of the 
above-mentioned Research Society 
by some members. The commen' 
tary edited by me in the Dastur 
Hoshung Memorial Volume migfit 
lead one to suppose that Aka was 
one of the commentators and not the 
original writer Perhaps the Shlokas 
have undergone revision in later 
times by some Hindu scholar. 
However that may be, it is impos- 
sible to b lieve that the writer of 
the oth and 3id Shlokas could have 
borrowed from the work of Mobed 
Chanda, whose command over the 
Sanskrit language was extremely 
poor. I am afraid, no two scholars 
would agree on the questions of date 
and authorship of the Shlokas. It 
is no wonder therefore that Mr. 
Khareghat differs from me consi- 
derably but theie is no doubt that 
further light will be obtained, if we 
come across new manuscripts or 
fresh materials, to get which no 
money or energy should be consider- 
ed ill-spent. 

My thinks are also due to my 
friend Mr. G. K. Nariman, whom 
the Parsis may with just pride claim 
as an all-round accomplished scholar 
for his introductory note on Bhavi- 
shya Purana. 1 must admit that it 
was Mr. Nariman's suggestion from 
the platform and the press, which 
inspired me to study the Bhavishya 
Purana to determine who the Magas 
were When Mr. Nariman saw my 
manuscript, he desired to see it soon 
in print, and it was he who suggest- 
ed to our mutual friend Mr. Jamshedji 
Edulji Saklatwalla to patronise my 



XX11 



book, to which the latter readily 
agreed and for which I am cordially 
indebted to Mr. Saklatwalla. 

The history of the Parsis of 
Ancient India from the hoary past 
down to tue 16th century after Christ 
is almost a blank. Open the first 
volume of the Parsi PrakcUh, triat 
monumental work of the late Khan 
Bahadur Bomanji B. Patel, and you 
will find that only about three or four 
pages have been devoted to events 
connected with the Parsis during 
the abovesaid period, i therefore 
thought that the Sanscrit and other 
passages referred to by me will at 
leas>t be regarded as a first step for 
filling up the wide gap. Ihere is 
little douot that many m ->re references 
could be given ; but personally I 
was unable to i^uote them on account 
of want of time an proper facility. 
I therefore requested some of my 
Poona friends to help me herein. 
I a so requested Mr. Saklatwalla to 
write to his Madrasi friends to give 
me references other than those i had 
come across. 1 am glad to say that 
our mutual friend Mr. A. Govmda- 
charaya has written a note, which 
has been printed in the foregoing 
pages, and f r which 1 am thankful 
to Mr. Govindacharya. 

Mr. V. Venkatachellam Ayar of 
Nell ore has come across a new 
reference, about which he says : 

" There is one reference which 
with some labour I have ferreted out. 
I do not know, if it is quite in point. 
But there are more doubtful instan- 
ces relied on by the learned author, 
who I must admit has taken im- 
mense pains to lay under contribu- 
tion everything that can be inter- 
preted as a reference to the ancient 
Iranian people in connection with 
India. 

" In Shadgurusishya's Commen- 
tary on Sarvanukramani ( a Vedic 
Index), he records a tradition as to 
the revelation of a Rik (a hymn of 
the Rigveda ) in the VI th Mandal, 
ascribed to a seer Payu by name, 



son of Bharadwaja It is recorded 
that two princes (of the Sanskrit 
speaking race), Chayamana -=U J -WR 
and Prastoka 5I?cTfa> fought against 
powerful enemies of a nation named 
Parasikhas MKRmF: and were de- 



feated. That they then approach- 
ed their high priest Bhardwaja and 
expressed their consternation that 
notwithstanding a Rishi of such 
spiritual eminence was their adviser, 
that they should be defeated in 
battle by their enemies. The Ri>hi 
then commissioned his son Payu to 
devise some charm or spell, by 
which they could succeed. The 
son sat in meditation and saw (com- 
posed) the Rik aforesaid, and 
sprinkled charmed water over the 
chariots ( harness, horses arms and 
accoutrements. The princes now 
toos courage and went out to battle 
again and defeated their enemies, 
the Parshikhas. 

" I do not know if this word was 
meant for th Persians ; the diffi- 
culty is about the ^. For invariably 
we find in Sanskrit ka used as the 
terminal m. X X X X X 

" The reference I have noted 
above may be read in A. A. Mac* 
donell's Edition of Katyayana's Sar- 
vanukramani with Shadgurusishya's 
commentary, Oxford Edition, Page 
128, bottom lines, note 75 and the 
next page. The variations in the 
reading of the word Parasikha found 
in the foot-notes most be regarded 
with care and dealt with. Our read* 
ing shows also the more desirable 
form of 



I thank Mr. Ayar for the above 
reference. As he says my object 
was to collect all possible references 
to the Zoroastrians living in India in 
older times. Indeed most of the 
quotations in the first Chapter fall 
under this category of doubtful 
references. It was the Iranian ring 
of the names Khaharata and Naha- 
pana which had led some scholars to 
look upon them as Persian, and I 
have thought it advisable to follow 



XXU1 



these scholars. The Kushan coinage 
suggested Iranian influence to some 
extent ; even this was considered 
worthy of note in this book. King 
Krishna, a prince of Gujarat in 
about 7'0 A. D. has been noted 
( see p. 25 ) for the simple reason 
that he has been called a "Pahlava" 
prince, although he was a wor- 
shipper of Shiva. All these and 
other doubtful references and quota- 
tions have been incorporated in this 



book with the object, that in future 
some further light may be thrown on 
the different matters recorded in 
this book. 

Misprints* and slips may be easily 
condoned by the reader. 

' Page 1, Col. 1, line 2, for " to " read 
" in," (India) ^ 

Page 32, after 9TW read ^jf. 

Page 139, 2nd Col. 6th line, for "injunc- 
tions " read "references." 



CONTENTS 



Chapter No. 1. 

Arrival of Persians in India 
from old mythical times ... 

Abisares, King of North 
Punjab 

Were the Mauryan rulers 
Zoroastrians ? 



PAGE 

1 

3 

4 



Chapter No. 2. References 

to Parsis and others in 

Sanskrit Books. 

Pahlavas and Parasikas in 

Mahabharata 5 

Parasikas in Vishnu Purana... 6 

Pahlavas in Manu Smriti ... 7 
Parasikas in Raghu Vamsa, 

and Katha-sarit-sagar ... 7 

Pahlavas in Brihat Samhita... 9 

Legends about Pahlavas ... 9 

Chapter No. 3. Persians 
mentioned in Inscriptions. 

Taxila inscription ... ... 11 

Girnar inscription ... ... 11 

Karli inscription ... ... 18 

Inscriptions of Nahapana's 

family ... ... ... 14 

Pahlavas in Nasik inscription. 16 

Manikiala inscription ... 16 

Chapter No. 4 References 
in History. 

Parthians in Gujarat and 

Sindh ... 18 

Indo-Parthian Kings ... 19 

Kushan coins proving Persian 

influence ... ... ... 20 

Sassanians connected with 

India 21 

Religion of Indian Persians... 26 

Chapter No. 5 Magas. 

Bhavishya Purana about 

Magas 28 

Weber's opinion about Magas 29 



, PAGE. 

Chapter No. 6. Klsseh-l- 
Sanjan. 

Jadi Rana 30 

Was Sanjan known to Masudi? 33 
Political condition of Western 

India in 7th-8th century ... 85 
Supposed identification of 

Jadi Rana S6 

Western Chalukyas 37 

Parsis mentioned in Vijayadi- 

tya's inscription ... ... 88 

Date of landing in India ... 40 

Vijayaditya ... ... ... 41 

Jai or Jadi Rana. Was he 

Vijayaditya? 4S 

Was Jayashraya Jai Rana ? ... 44, 

A feudatory of Chalukyas ... 46 
Were Parasikas Syrians ? Sir 

R. G. Bhandarkar's letters. 47 

Arrival of Parsis by sea ... 50 

Chapter No. 7. History of 
7OO years. 

Events from A.D. 850 to 

A.D. 1478 52-56 

Chapter No. 8. Sanjan 
Battle. 

Mewar inscription ... ... 57 

Could Parasikas be Mahome- 

dans? 60 

Conquest of Ala-ud-din ... 61 

Campbell on Sanjan battle ... 63 

Who were Gabras ? ... ... 64 

Chapter No. 9. Date of 
16 Sanskrit Shlokas. 

Raja grants permission to 

land 68 

Five conditions imposed by 

Raja 69 

Was Nerioshang the writer of 

the Shlokas ? 71 

Chapter No. 10 Magas In 
Bhavishya Purana. 

Story of Samba 73 

Magas, Zarathushtra, Padana, 

Avyanga ... ... ... 75 



XXVI 



PAGE. 

76 
78 

79 

85 
87 
88 
89 
92 

93 



Bhandarkar's account of 

Magas ... 

Govindpur inscription 
Cunningham's account of 

Multan 

Customs and ceremonies of 

Magas 
Magas marry Bhojaka girls... 

Kusti of Magas 

Worship of Sun idol 

Saura religion 

Religious customs of Bho- 

jakas 

Appendix Criticism on Dr. 
Spooner's Paper. 

Excavations at Patliputra ... 9S 
Mahabharata and Asura 

Maya 96 

Danavas 97 

Asura Maya in Mahabharata 

and Katha-sarit-sagara ... 98-99 
Patliputra built by magic ... 101 
Weber's opinion about Asura 

Maya ^ ... 102 

Buildings in Mahabharata 

and Rigvedic times ...103-104 
Mr. Khareghat's view about 

Asura Maya 105 

Were Mauryas Zoroastrians ? 107 



PAGE. 

Mouru, Merv and Meru ... 108 

Evidence of coins ... ... 109 

Passage in Mahabhashya ... 110 

Mauryan religion ... ... 118 

Aversion to Mauryas... ... 114 

Help by Persian troops ... 114 

Was Chanakya a Zoroastrian ? ,115 
Chanakya's book and Atharva 

Veda 116 

Exposure of corpses among 

Hindus ... 119 

Magadhas ... ... 120 

Garuda and Garonmana ... 121 

Yavanas 122 

Sakas 124 

Were Sakyas Zoroastrians?... 12ft 
Next-of-kin marriages ...126-130 
Parallelisms between Bud- 
dhism and Zoroastrianism 131-13? 
Buddhism cardinal truths 

and commandments ... 133 

Chakravartin and Shri ideas . 184 

Region of Light ; and 33 Gods 134 

Doctrine of future prophets... 135 
Nature rejoiced at Zoroaster's 

and Buddha's births ... 135 

Doctrine of Karma ... ... 138 

Moral Triad in Buddhism and 

Hinduism 138 

Temptation by Evil Spirit ... 139 

R. Chanda's reply ... ... 140 



PARSIS OF ANCIENT INDIA. 



CHAPTER No. 1. 



Arrival of the Persians 

to India from old 

mythical times. 

Traditions of ancient Persian kings 
and generals having come to India 
are met with in Firdusi's Shahname, 
Abou Fazal's Ain-i-Akbari and 
Fireshta's History. 

Firdusi narrates that Faridun's 
mother Franak sent her infant son 
Faridun to Hindustan to save him 
from the murderous hands of Zohak, 
who invaded and conquered Persia. 

Firdusi also gives the story of 
Asfandiar the son of Gushtasp, who 
came to India and persuaded the 
Indian Emperor to adopt fire-worship 
and accept the Zoroastrian religion. 
Many more references from the 
Shahname might be given to show 
the connection of the ancient Persians 
with India ( Elliot's History V, 568, 
Kutar's Shah >ame VI, 86-87). 

The Ain-i-Akbari gives the follow- 
ing account of the kings of Persia, 
who had come to India : 

Hoshang, the founder of the 
Peshdadian dynasty, was the first 
Iranian king to come to India. Jam- 
shid who next visited India is said 
to have gone to China from India 
via Bengal. Nariman Kersasp, Sam 
Nariman, Zal Sam, and Framazd 
Rustam are also said to have come 
to India for conquest. 

It is stated that Kersasp was told 
by astrologers that his dynasty's rule 
over Zabulistan would be overthrown 
and that his and his heir's remains 
would be disinterred by the enemy. 
With a view to avoid this mishap, 
he ordered that his remains might be 



buried at Kanauj in India. This was 
complied with. His example was also 
followed in the case of Nariman, 
Sam and Rustam. Bahman after 
overrunning Zabulistan in revenge 
of Rustam's killing his father 
Asfandiar, came to Kanauj to disinter 
the remains of Kersasp and his des- 
cendants, all of whom had a lot of 
money buried with them and had 
on their tombs tablets with a request 
to the visitors not to meddle with 
the remains. Bahman carried away 
the treasure but abstained from his 
original intention of destroying the 
remains in revenge. 

According to Ferishta there existed 
good relations between the Indian 
king Krishna and the Persian em- 
peror Tehemurasp. Krishna's nephew 
sought shelter with king Faridun, 
who sent his general Kersasp bin 
Atrud (Atrat) to India to compel the 
king to give a portion of his territories 
to his nephew. After this time, Sam 
Nariman invaded Punjab at the 
direction of the Persian monarch. 
He was opposed by one Mulchand, 
who at last sought peace. From this 
time forward, Punjab remained in 
the hands of the descendants of 
Faridun, and was governed by 
Kersasp and his family. It formed a 
part of the country of Kabul, Jabul, 
Sind and Seistan, which was under 
the sway of Rustam's family. Kesurai 
the successor of the above Indian 
king asked the help of king 
Minocheher against some of his 
rebels. Minocheher sent Sam Nari- 
man to his help, He met Kesurai at 
Jallander and helped him in sub- 
duing his tributary kings. Kesurai 
was succeeded by Firujrai, who after 



2 



the death of Sam Nariman, rebelled 
against the suzerainty of Persia and 
freed Punjab from its yoke. Up to 
time of king Kaikobad, Punjab re- 
mained independent under the In- 
dian kings. Rustam then invaded 
India, defeated the Indian Raja and 
placed one Surajrai on the throne. 
Later on Kedar Raja paid a tribute 
to Kaus and Kaikhusru.* 

In support of the statements of 
Fireshta Dr. J. J. Modi and Prof. 
Darmesteter give the tradition about 
the fort of Jamrud jn the Khyber 
Pass, namely that the said fort was 
connected with the name of the king 
Jamshid of the Peshdadiair dynasty. 

That the Persians had come to 
India and lived there from the Vedic 
times downwards is affirmed by seve- 
ral scholars: 

(1) Prof. Spiegel in his introduc- 
tion to Avesta ( Vol. II. pp CVI ff ) 
says : '* The original abode of the 
Indo-Germanic race is to be sought 
in the extreme east of the Iranian 
country, in the tract where the Oxus 

and Jaxartes take their rise It 

might be imagined that not only the 
Indians, but also the Iranians along 
with them, had migrated to the 
countries on the Indus ; and that 
Iranians, perhaps owing to religious 
differences, had retraced their steps 
to the westward." 

(2) Prof. Max Muller says:" It 
can now be proved even by geo- 
graphical evidence, that Zoroastrians 
had been settled in India before they 
immigrated into Persia. I say the 
Zoroastrians, for, we have no evidence 
to bear us out in making the same 
assertions of the nations of India and 
Persia in general. That the Zoroa- 
strians and their ancestors started 
from India during the Vedic period 
can be proved as distinctly as that 
the inhabitants of Massilia started 
from Greece." (Chips, I, 86). 

* See also Dr. J. J. Modi's Asiatic 
Papers Part II pp. 262-294. And Vendidad 
I. 19 and Yasht X. 104. 



The same opinion is repeated by 
Prof. Max Muller in his Lectures on 
the Science of Language (I, 235): 
'The Zoroastrians were a colony 
from northern India. They had been 
together for a time with the people, 
whose sacred songs have been pre- 
served to us in the Veda. A schism 
took place, and the Zoroastrians 
migrated westward to Arachosia and 
Persia." 

(3) Professors Bhagvat and Apte 
have, in their " Key to interpret the 
Veda," pointed out that there are 
references to the Persians and Par- 
thiansinthe Rigveda. In Rv. 1-105-8 
we have ^ JJT cTCFcT atf^TcT: ^TOofifor 
tf^R: I "The Parshus (Persians) harass 
me all round like cowives." 

Rv. VI 11-6-46 : 



"I wres- 

ted from the Yadva ( tribe ) one 
hundred cattle (in the province of) 
Tirindira, and one thousand cattle 
( in the province of ) Parshu." 

Rv. VII. 83-1 ; 

3TM 3^ "ic^-ci: SqR I 




O you men, looking to you and 
your wealth the Prithus and Parshus, 
fain for spoil, march forward. O 
Indra-Varuna, you smote and slew 
the Dasa and Aryan enemies, and 
helped Sudas with favour." Prof. 
'Ludwig also renders 23^^ : by 
" Parthians and Persians."* (Accord- 
ing to Pamni V. 3.-117^the words 
qRR: in the singular, qj^Mt" in the 



dual and W3: * n tne plural, are taken 
as the name of a warrior tribe the 
last of the three forms suggesting 

* See Dastur Hoshang Memorial Volume, 
p. 319. According to Dr. Teile, " Parsuas 
appear to have dwelt east of Elam at the 
time of Senacherib. Perhaps they were 
Persians though the name might equally 
be a disguise for Parthavas or Parthians, 
In the annals of Salamanas^ar II ( 9th c. 
B. C ) he relates of a victory over a certain 
Artasur who lived not far from Parsuas" 
( Teile's Religion of Iranians translated by 
G. K. Nariman. Indian Antiquary XXXII, 
228.) 



the singular cr*| t In the cuniform 
inscriptions at Behistan we have the 
countries Pdrsah and Partava, which 
might be compared with the q^f and 
2$J of the Rigveda.) 

Thus the Parshus and Prithus 
would appear to be either inhabitants 
or invaders of India. 

(4) As has been shown by Dr. Muir 
in his Sanskrit Texts ( Vol II, p. 
364 ff. ) the word Dasyu is used for 
men and not demons in the Aitareya 
Brahmana (VII-18 ), Manusmriti 
( X-43 ff ), Mahabharata ; Shanti- 
parva (65-2429, 16S-6293) and even 
some passages in the Rigveda ( IV- 
41-2,VI-14- \, X-22-* &c). He further 
says : "I have gone over the names 
of the Dasyus and Asuras mentioned 
in the Rigveda, with the view of 
discovering whether any of them 
could be regarded as of non-Aryan 
origin ; but I have not observed any 
that appear of that character." (Sk. 
Texts, Vol II, p. 387). 

Thus then the Dasyus were Aryan 
people.* Now in the Mamismriti 
( XI 43-45 ) we are told that the 
Kambojas, Yavanas, Sakas, Paradas, 
Pahlavas &c. were Dasyus. The 
Pahlavas were either Persians or 
Parthians, as several scholars have 
asserted. If then the Dasyus dwelt 
in India in the Vedic and post-Vedic 
times, they probably included the 
Pahlavas. 

Abisares, King of North 
Punjab. 

In historic times Punjab formed 
part of the Persian dominions from 
its conquest by Darius Hystapes f 
about B. C. 510 till the later days 
( B. C. 350 ) of the Achaemenian 

* See Zarathustra in Rigveda ( pp. 3-9) 
" Strabo asserts that Arsakes, the founder 
of the Parthian Monarchy was called Dahas. 
The name Dahae is derived from the Zend 
Dahvu ( Sk. Dasvu )" (Cunningham's 
Archaeological Survey, Vol II, p. 46 ). 

t The invasion of India by Darius is so 
well known, that we need not refer to it 
at great length. 



dynasty (Rawlinson's Ancient 
Monarchy, IV, 433 ). 

In the hilly country above the 
territories of Taxiles and Porus, the 
historians of Alexander place the 
dominions of Abisares. Arrian states 
that the Soamus, the present Suhan 
river rises in the "mountainous parts 
of Sabissa," that is, in the hills of 
Murri and Margala Pass. This is the 
exact position of the district of 
Abhisara according to the Rajataran- 
gini and other Hindu authorities. 
From the earliest times this country 
has been occupied by the Gakars , 
who seem to be the descendants of 
the Persians who \vere the coreligion- 
ists of king Abisares in the time of 
Alexander. ( This point is proved 
beyond all reasonable doubt by the 
name of Abisare's brother, whom 
Arrian calls Arsakes. This name re- 
fers the people to a Parthian origin.) 
According to one account, the ances- 
tors of the Gakars were transplanted 
by Afrasiyab into the N. W. Punjab, 
under a leader named Kid Raid. 

In the year B. C. 326 Alexander 
crossed the Indus and advanced to 
Taxila, where he received an embassy 
from Abisares, " king of the Indian 
Mountaineers." After the battle with 
Porus, Alexander received a second 
embassy from Abisares, "with a pre- 
sent of money and forty elephants " 
Again on his return to the Akesines, 
a third embassy arrived, headed by 
Arsakes, the brother of Abisares, 
bringing valuable presents and thirty 
more elephants. The dominions of 
Abisares must have been very ex- 
tensive, as he was able to make 
a present of seventy elephants. His 
territory touched the Indus on the 
west. Arsakes, the brother of Abi- 
sares, is described as the governor of 
the adjacent province, and as he 
waited upon Alexander at Taxila, his 
province was not very far disfant 
from that city. M. Troyer calls him 
" governor of the district of f/rasa," 
the Varsa Regis of Ptolemy, and the 
Rash of the present day, which lies 
immediately to the north of Dhanra,- 



war. ( Cunningham's Archaeological 
Survey of India, II, pp. 23-29.) 

Were the Mauryan rulers 
Zoroastrians ? 

The excavations of the historic site 
of Patliputra under the supervision of 
Dr. D. B. Spooner led him to write 
an important paper which was pub- 
lished in the Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and 
Ireland in January and July 1915. 
This paper is of special interest to the 
Parsis, because it opens up a new 
vista of research regarding what Dr. 
Spooner calls "the Zoroastrian Period 
of Indian History." From the In- 
scriptions of Darius we know, that 
the Achsemenian emperors ruled 
over north western provinces, such as 
Kandhar, Panjab &c. These pro- 
vinces were divided into different 
Satrapies ( Rawlinson's Herodotus, 
II, 487 ); and on the authority of the 
Greek writers, it is stated, that 
Indian regiments under the Persian 
generals fought with the Greeks on 
behalf of their Persian rulers. 
( Herodotus, IV, 63, 347, 398 ). But 
the theory that the Zoroastrians ex- 
tended their sway as far as the 
Gangetic valley and ruled at Patli- 
putra as imperial rulers came as a 
surprise among the scholarly world. 

We Zoroastrians are highly in- 
debted to Dr Spooner for his re- 
searches, and would indeed be very 
pleased, if it could be satisfactorily 
proved, that there was in ancient 
times "a Zoroastrian period of Indian 
History " The history of the Parsis 
of ancient India for about a thousand 
years nfter the time of Darius was 
supposed to be a mere blank. Great 
was therefore the enthusiasm of the 
Parsi writers and speakers, when 
they came across Dr. Spooner's 
paper, which seemed to supply a 
great missing link in the history of 
the Parsis, namely that the Mauryan 
rulers at Patliputra belonged to the 
Zoroastrian or Magian faith. To 
determine the correctness or other- 
wise of this assertion, a full dis- 



cussion of Dr. Spooner's paper be 
comes a matter of paramount 
necessity. Dr. Spooner has made 
use of every conceivable argument 
he could think of in favour of the 
subject, which is so very important 
for rs, that it would be necessary 
to analyse every single argument to 
see whether it would stand the test 
of criticism. But it would not be pro- 
per to insert here the extremely 
long discussion which, being a sub- 
ject by itself, would be dealt with 
in a separate book to be published 
hereafter. We will only give a sum- 
mary rf the result which is that the 
Mauryan emperors were not Zoroa- 
strians, that the Persians had come 
to India to fight for Chandragupta 
the founder of the Mauryan dynasty, 
that they lived in India as subject 
races, that some of these served as 
chiefs and petty Rajas in the Mauryan 
times, and that they probably had a 
hand in the erection of the Mauryan 
palaces, which were built after the 
style of the Persepolitan halls. 



Chapter No. 2. 

References to Parsis and 

Persians in Sanskrit 

Books. 

In this chapter, we propose to 
consider the passages in Sanskrit 
works, relating to the Parsis of India 
in ancient times. The Hindu writers 
used the word Parasika for the Parsis 
and Pahlavas for the Parthian s or 
Iranians generally. 

Pahlavas and Parasikas in 
Mahabharata. 

(1) From a passage in the Shanti 
Parva of the Mahabharata ( Sec. 65, 
lines 2429 ff ), we are in a position 
to say, that the Persians were a 
subject race in ancient times. In 
that passage the King Mandhatri 
asks the following question : 




" The Yavanas, Kiratas, Gandha- 
ras, Chinas, Sharvaras, Varvaras, 
Sakas, Tusharas, Kankas, Pahlavas, 

Andhras, Madras how shall 

all these (people) living in different 
countries practise duty, and what rules 
shall kings like me prescribe for those, 
living as Dasyus ?" 

We see from the above question 
that the Pahlavas resided in the 
dominion of the king. As Sir R. G. 
Bhandarkar, Prof. Max Muller, Dr. 
Muir and other scholars say, these 
Pahlavas we'e the Pahlavi or 
Parthian people, ( Anc. Sk. Lit. 
p. 54. Muir's Texts, II, p. 259, S B. 
E. XXV. Intro, p. 115, B. B. R. A. S. 
XVI, p. 215 ). 

* See Roy's translation of Shanti Parva, 
Sec 65, Muir's Sk. Texts I. (p. 484). For 
references to Pahlavas in the RamSyana, 
see Griffith's translation index. 



(2) In the Bhishma Parva of the 
Mahabharata (Sec. IX, 64-67 )we 
find a complete list of the numerous 
tribes * dwelling in Bharatavarsha 
or India, among whom the following 
tribes are mentioned : 



(65) 
f II 
(66) 

: (68) 

"The Favanas, Chinas, Kambojasf 
Darunas, and Mlechha tribes The 
Sakritgrihas, Kulatthas, Hunas J with 
Pdrasikas. The Khashiras, Anta- 
charas, Pahlavas and Girigahvaras." 

In the paras Nos. 42 and 51 we 
read about the Mag<idhds, and Sakas. 
It will thus be seen, that the 
Yavanas, Parasikas, Pahlavas, Ma- 
gad has and Sakas were looked upon 
as different tribes. 

When did the Pahlavas 
come to India ? 

As to the latest date assigned to 
the present form of the Mahabharata. 
Mr. Vaidya says: "We have the 
direct evidence of Rhetor Dion 
Chrysostom, that the Mahabharata 
with its one lac of verses was well 
known even in South India in 50 
A. D As the present Maha- 
bharata mentions the Yavanas ad- 
miringly, but does not anywhere 
mention the Rashis, one is justified 
in holding, that it was recast into 
its present shape some time between 
300 and 100 B. C." ( See Vaidya's 
Mahabharata, p. 13 ff ). 

But in spite of this opinion of Mr. 
Vaidya, we have reasons to believe 
that the Mahabharata contains many 
later interpolations. We cannot 
therefore say definitely, when the 

* Mr. Roy correctly states in tne footnote 
of his translation that the names are those 
of the tribes, and not of places or provinces. 
(p. 31) 

f People of Kabul (Bom. Gaz I. Pt, 
p. 491, 498 ). I Huns. 



6 



passages above referred to were 
written. This much however is 
certain that the Parasikas and 
Pahlavas lived in India long before 
tO A. D. According to Pandit 
Bhagvanlal the Pahlavas came to 
India about B.C. 150 ( Bom. Gaz. 
Pt. I., p. 144). 

According to the writer of the 
Bombay Gazetteer, seven leading 
hordes entered India from the north- 
west and west. The Yavanas or 
Bactrian Greeks came into India 
from about B. C. 250 to 125 ; the 
Pdhlavas or Parthians from B.C. 170 
to 100; the Sakas of two main hordes, 
namely the Su-Sakas about B C. 150 
to 100 and the Kushans about B. 
C. 130 &c. ( Bom. az. IX pt. I, 
p. 455). Dr. Bhandarkar held, that 
the PahUvas and Sakas made their 
appearance in the Andhrabhritya 
country at any time between A. D. 16 
and 133 A. D. (Id, Vol. I, pt. II, 
p. 317). 

In his paper on Junagur in- 
scriptions Dr. Bhau Daji says about 
the King Gautamiputra", -the son of 
Padumavi ( about 120 A. D. ) as 
follows: "Gautamiputra boasts of 
having established the glory of the 
Satavahana family, and of having 
defeated Sakas, Yavanas and Pahla- 
vas" ( B. B. R. A. S. Journal, Vol. 
VII, p. 117 ). This shows that the 
Pahlavas were in India in about 
120 A. D. 

Parasikas in Vishnu Purana. 

(3) The Vishnu Purana* contains 
names of tribes inhabiting Bharatava- 
rsha. It mentions, among others, the 
Kurus, Panchalas, Mdgadhas, Saura- 
shtras, Hunas, Parasikas. (Wilson, 
Vol. II, p. 132f, Muir's Sk. Texts 
I, p. 495). 



* Composed about 450 A. D. ( See A K. 
Mozumdar's Hindu History, p 26 ) In the 
MSrkandeya Purana there are three refe- 
rences to the Pahlavas in Chapters 57-58, 



Parasikas in Mudra 
Rakshasha. 

(4) It is seen from the Mudra 
Rakshasha,* that the Parsis helped 
Chandragupta in his invasion of Nor- 
thern India. The Sanskrit passage 
runs thus : 



Kusumapura ( =Patliputra ) is 
beseiged on all sides by Sakas, Ya- 
vanas, Kiratas, Kambojas, Parasikas, 
Bahlikas f and others, (who are) the 
forces of the King Chandragupta, 
(and who are) guided by the intellect 
of Chanakya." 

On the authority of the same book, 
we know that HK^I^I 3^iK : % ("the 
Parsi named Meghanada " ) was a 
Raja and friend of Chandragupta. 
(see Act V). The same name occurs in 
anocher passage (Act I, verse 20), 
where we read : 



" Among these, the fifth is one of 
name the Megha, a great King of the 
Parsis, who has got a large cavalry." 

This name Megha might be identi- 
fied with the first part of the names 
Maga-bdtis, Maga-pdnns$ &c , or it 
might be a purely Hindu name, 
used as in our own times. 



* A Sanskrit drama written by Vishakha- 
datha in the 8th century A D- It embo- 
died genuine historical traditions. 

f These were not people of Baktria but 
of Multan in India ( Bom. Gaz. I Pt. 1 
p. 103 ). 

t The other readings are ifaRi, WSJ 
and +Hl<?<4: In Prakri it is ^fTR; ( See 
Telung's edition, pp. 221, 204). 

See also idem p. 221. 

$ Compare Moghistan ( =land of Moghs 
or Magi ) another name of Hormuz island 
( See Dr. J. J. Modi's, Dastur Bahman 
Kaikobad & Kisseh-i-Sanjan, p. 46 ). 



7 



Pahlavas in Maim Smriti. 

(5) In Manu Smriti ( X-43, 44 ) 
written in about the 2nd century B. 
C., we come across the names of 
the foreign tribes inhabiting nor- 
thern India, among whom we find 
the Yavanas, Sakas, Pahlavas &c. 



The passage runs thus : 




Translation : Gradually by omis- 
sion of rites and by transgressing 
the orders of the Brahmans these 
Kshatri tribes, ( namely ) Pundras, 
Dravidas, Kambojas, Yavanas, Sakas, 
Paradas, Pahlavas, Chinas, Kiratas 
and Daradas have degenerated to 
the condition of the Sudras in the 
world." 

Parasikas in Raghu Yamsa. 

(6) In the Raghu Vamsa* (IV 
60 ) we read about Raghu, the great 
grand-father of Rama as under: 



" Thence he set out by an inland 
route to conquer the Parasikas." 
The commentator explains that the 
Parasikas were '* Mlechha Rajas 
living on the banks of the river 
Sindhu or Indus." ( f^d<i c liRiit *$>- 
"-sKKil'l^ ). This is quite correct, 
because the author Kalidas himself 
says further up ( in verse No. 67 ), 
that the horses of Raghu relieved 
their fatigues by rolling on the 
banks of the river Sindu. The author 
also tells us, that Yavanas, Kambojas 
and Hunas were defeated by Raghu. 

Much ingenuity has been spent 
by scholars to identify the event re- 
ferred to by Kalidas. It is assumed 
on the grounds, which we consider 
extremely flimsy that the event must 
be one, which happened in the poet's 

* Of Kalidas, the latest date assigned to 
whom is about 560 A.D. (See also Dr. Bhau 
Daji's Paper B. B R. A. S. VI., p. 230.) 



life-time. Professor Pathak thinks 
that Kalidas took the description of the 
conquest of Raghu from the account 
of the conquest of the contemporary 
king Yashodharman (A. D. 490-550) 
into Kashmir. Mr. Manmohan Chakra- 
vati identifies the event with the 
conquest of Skandagupta in the reign 
of the Persian King Piruz (A. D. 
457-484,) son of Yazdgird II. The 
Ephtalites or White Huns helped 
Piruz against his brother in securing 
the throne of Persia, but afterwards 
he fought with them and was killed 
in the battle. The white Huns 
overran the territories of the 
Persians, which included the fron- 
tiers of India. Dr. Hoernle rejects 
the above theory, because Piruz had 
lost only Gandhar and not the country 
on the direct frontiers. According 
to him the Persian King was Kobad 
who with the help of the Huns re- 
moved his brother Jamasp from the 
throne (A. D. 499). The Huns fought 
with the Indian King Yashodbarman. 
They were assisted by Kobad who 
lost Sindh and some eastern provin- 
ces. This is the loss referred to by 
Kalidas when he speaks of the defeat 
of the Parasikas. 

Firdusi says nothing about loss of 
the Persian territories in the frontiers 
of India either in Piruz's or Kobad's 
time. From a passage in Tabari 
however ( Zotenberg's French Tr., 
Vol. II, p. 221 ) it appears that a 
part of the Indian frontier belonged 
to the Persians in Beramgor's time. 
It passed back into the hands of an 
Indian king before Noshirwan's 
time. 

We have nothing to say against 
the above historical events, but have 
we any substantial proof to show 
what was in the mind of Kalidas ? 

Parasikas in Katha 
Sarit Sagara. 

(7) In the Katha-Sarit Sagara* 
(Vol I, Tr. pp. 150-151), we read : 

* Written by Somadeva in 12th century 
A D. 



8 



" Udayana, King of Vasta defeated 

the king of the Chola* race 

Having subdued the King of Sindh 
at the head of his cavalry,he destroyed 
the Mlechhas The cavalry squa- 
drons of the Turushkas^ were bro- 
ken on the masses of his elephants... 
...The august hero received the tri- 
bute of his foes and cut off the head 
of the wicked king of the Parasikas. 
His glory after he had inflicted a 
defeat on the Hunas.t made the 
four quarters resound." 

Now Udayana was a ruler of the 
country known as Vatsa, the capital 
of which was Kaushambi, near the 
modern Kosam about 30 miles above 
Allahabad. The king Udayana was 
a celebrated prince of the lunar race. 
He is the hero of the play named 
Ratnavali, which is ascribed to Bana, 
who lived in the latter half of the 
6th century A D. 

Cunningham refers to the story 
of Udayana thus:--" The story of 
Uddvana, king of Kosftmbi is re- 
ferred to by the poet Kalidas in his 
' Megha-duta ' or ' Cloud Messenger,' 
where he says that Avanti (or 
Ujain) is great with the number of 
those versed in the tale of Udayana. 
Now Kalidas nourished shortly after 
A. D. 500. In the ' Vrihat Katha' 
of Somadeva, the story of Udayana 

is given at full length Kosambi, 

the capital of Vatsa Raja, is the 
scene of the pleasing drama of 
'Ratnavali' or the 'Necklace,' which 
was composed in the reign of King 
Harsh Deva, who is most probably 
the same as Harsha Vardhana of 
Kanoj (A. D. 607 io 650)." (See 
Cunningham's Ancient Geography 
of India, p. 392). 

"The name of Udayana was more 
famous among the Buddhists In 

* Tamil people of Southern India, from 
whom the Croromandal coast ( ^^HSc? ) 
receives its name ; they are mentioned in 
Asoka's inscriptions and also M. Bh. 

f Turks (See Epigraphia Indica II. 
p. 181). 

t Huns. 

Or king of the Vatsas. 



the ' Lalita Vistara,' which was 
translated into Chinese between 70 
and 46 A. D., and which could not 
therefore have been composed later 
than the beginning of the Christian 
era, Udayana Vatsa, son of Satanika, 
king of Kosambi is said to have 
been born on the same day as 

Buddha Hwen Thsang relates 

that the famous statue of Buddha, 
in red sandal-wood, which was 
made by King Udayana during the 
life-time of the Teacher, still exist- 
ed under a stone dome in the 
ancient palace of the kings." (idem, 
p. 393). 

If Udayana was a contemporary 
of Buddha,* the " wicked Parsi 
king " referred to above, lived 
in about the 5th century B. C. 
Could this king be Xerxes, who was 
killed in B. C. 465, and who was, 
according to some writers, (whom, 
however, we cannot believe) cruel 
and wicked ? f Did Xerxes ever 
visit Jndia? We know that Darius 
the father of Xerxes conquered the 
Indians, and subjugated India which 
was his 20th satrapy, and also that 
Xerxes in his expedition into 
Greece was furnished troops by the 
Indians. Xerxes is supposed by 
some to be Ahasuerus, who disgrac- 
ed Vashti and made Esther his 
queen (Rawlinson's Herodotus II, 
403; III, 32; IV, 4, 53, 215). It 
is possible that the Hindu writer 
may have confounded facts and 
wrongly attributed those connected 
with the father to the son. The 
evidence for the identification of 
the " wicked Parsi king " is, how- 
ever, very meagre. 

Pahlavas in Brihat Samhita. 

(8) Al-Biruni in his India (Tr. 
by Dr. Sachau, Vol. I, p. 300) men- 
tions the names of the people of 
India on the authority of the Vayu 

* He was also a contemporary of Ajatasha- 
tri B. C. 496 to 413 (Hindu Hist, by A. K. 
Muzumdar p. 321.) 

f See Pallonji t3. Desai's Achaemema -. 
Hist. p. 340. 



Purana placing the Pahlavas amonf 
the people in the north. 

In the same book (p. 302) he 
says, that according to the Samhita 
of Varaha-Mihira one of the names 
of the people in the South-west was 
Pdrasava i. e. Persians. 

Vaiaha-Mihira was a celebrated 
astronomer and the author of Brihat- 
Samhita &c He died in 587 A. D. 

Turning to the Brihat Samhita of 
Varaha Mihira (chap. 14 17-19) 
we find that the people in the 
South-western direction were the 
Pahlavas, * Kambojas, Sindhu- 
Sauviras, ...... Anartas... . ... Yavanas 

......... Pars/iavas, Shudras, Barbaras, 

Kiratas, ..... &c. (Dr. Kiru's Tr. 

J. R. A. S.NewSeries, Vol.5, p. 84). 

Kumarila Bhatta's Book. 

(9) The most famous Mimansa 
treatise existing in India is Kuma- 
rila Bhatta's Tantra-vd ttika, a com- 
mentary on Jaimini-sutras. Kuma- 
rila lived at the end of the seventh 
century A D VVhile annotating on 
1-8-10 Kumarila suggests, that by 
the application of affixes c. it may 
be possible to convert Mlechchha 
words into Sanskrit words ; then he 
says : 




" When such is the formation (of 
the words) at will in the Andhra- 
Dravida language,! we do not know 

* The Pahlavas are also referred to in 
Brihat SamhitS Chap. XVI- 38, XVIi-6 and 
the same author's Samara-Sam hitS 
(J. R. A. S. New Series Vol. b, 
pp. 235 236, 242) It may be stated 
that there were five Varaha Mihiras known 
to histoiy (1) The first author of Vrihat 
Samhiti in 58 B. C. (2) The author of a 
revise i edition of Brahma SiddhSnta in 80 
A. D. (8) The author of the present Vrihat 
SamhitS in 2>*6 A. D. (4) The author of 
Pancha Siddh^miki in the 6tfi <J. A. D. (5) 
He who lived in loOO A. D. (A. K. Mozum- 
dar's Hindu History, p. 64). 

t Tamil language. 



how they are formed and used in 
the Pdrasika, Barbara, Yavana, 
Romaka and other languages." 

This suggests that the language 
of the Parsis was studied in India by 
learned Hindus in or about 700 A. D.* 

Legends About Pahlavas. 

(1) We come across a few legends 
about the Pahlavas in Sanskrit 
works. In the Harivamsha (v. 1425 
ff) we are told that Kusha had four 
sons Kushika, Kushanabha, Kusham- 
ba and Moortimat. Kushika was 
the grand- father of the well-known 
Vishvami ra t Now as regards 
Kushika, the author says : 



" Growing among the Pahlavas, 
the glorious king Kushika practised 
austere penance to get a son equal 
to Indra." Indra was pleased, and 
Kushika begot a son named Gadhi, 
who became the king of Kanya- 
kubja (Kanouj) and was the father 
of Vishvamitra (See Muir's Sk. 
Texts, I, pp. 351, 390.) 

It would appear from this legend, 
that the Pahlavas lived in India in 
the Rigvedic times, to which 
Vishvamitra belonged, but we have 
reasons to believe, that the legend 
must have originated in far later 
times. 

(2) In the Adi Parva of the 
Mahabharata (v. 663s ff), we have 
an interesting legend of Vasishtha 
and Vishvamitra, who were bitter 
enemies of each other. Once upon 
a time when out hunting, Vishva- 
mitra came to the hermitage of 
Vasishtha, who received his rival 
with great honour. He gave to 
Vishvamitra precious jewels &c , 
which were obtained from his 
wonder-working cow. The cupi- 
dity of Vishvamitra was aroused, 

* See also Indian Antiquary- I* P. 310. 

t According to the Vishnu Purana, 
h'ushdmba was the grand- father (Wilson, 
pp. 898-400.) 



10 



and so he asked Vasistha to give 
him that animal in exchange for a 
hundred miilion cows or even his 
kingdom When Vasistha did not 
comply with his demand, Vishva- 
mitra threatened to use force. He 
dragged the cow,* beat her and 
pushed her hither and thither, but 
she would not move. She became 
very angry, and in order to punish 
Vishvamitra and his army, she 
created Pahlavas, Dravidas, Sakas, 
Yavanas, Kiratas and other tribes 
from her body. (The words of the 
poet are : 



) 

Beholding this great miracle, the 
product of Brahmanical might, 
Vishvamitra was humbled at the 
impotence of a Kshatriya nature, 
and exclaimed : 

\ ^5T- 



'Shame on a Kshatriya's strength; 
the strength of a Brahman's lustre 
is strength (indeed). Determining 
(what is) strength and (what is) 
weakness, (we see that) penance is 
the greatest strength." 

This legend is also found in 
Ramayana (I, chap. 51-65. )t 

The substance of the legend 
seems to be, that the Brahmans 
destroyed the force of the Kshatriyas 
with the assistance of foreigners, 
such as Pah lavas, Sakas, Yavanas 
and others. We are unable to say, 
to what time this legend relates, but 
it cannot be very old. 

* The fable of Vasishtha's wonderful 
cow Nandini is also referred to in the 
Nagpur stone inscription dated Samva' 
1161 or A. D. 1104-5 (Epigraphia Indica, 
III p. 190.) 

t For comments &c., see Muir's Q k 
Texts, I, pp. 391, 897) Does this le?end 
refer to the forces raised by Chandragupta? 



CHAPTER No. 3. 

Persians mentioned in 
inscriptions. 

Having seen the references to 
the Parsis and Persians in Sanskrit 
books, we now propose to give those 
in inscriptions. They are in Ara- 
maic, Sanskrit and Pali languages. 

Taxila Inscriptions. 

(1) Sir J. H. Marshall has found 
an Aramaic inscription on the site of 
the ancient city of Taxila. It is 
carved on a fragment of a pillar of 
white marble and is incomplete. 
In the, 7th line Prof. Cowley reads 
the words " this Vohuvarda" and 
compares the name with the Persian 
" Huvardhi" In the 9th and 12th 
lines he reads a word (Marhaz?) 
which, he says, was the title of a 
Persian governor. He ascribes the 
inscription to about 450 B. C. and 
thus concludes : " Taxi.'a was the 
chief city of the Kharosthi district. 
The view that Aramaic was officially 
used by the Achasmenians, that after 
their conquest of Northern India 
about 500 B. C. it became current 
there, and that Kharosthi was 
derived from it in this way, is thus 
being gradually confirmed " (J R. 
A. S., 1915, pp. 340-346.) 

Girnar Inscription. 

(2) The most remarkable inscrip- 
tion of the Shah Kings is that on a 
bridge near Girnar at Junagadh in 
Kathiawar, known as Rudra Daman's 

bridge We shall give important 

extracts from the inscription here- 
after. We are told therein that the 
ancient bridge was swept away by 
an inundation, that it was repaired 
by Pushpagupta, whose sister Chan- 
dragupta had married and who was 
of Vaishya caste, that it was subse- 
quently repaired by Tushdspa, the 
Yavana Raja, an officer of Asoka, 
and that finally it was constructed 



11 



by the great satrap Rudra Daman 
in the year 72 (Saka, ?'. e. 150 
A. D.)* 

The writer of the Bombay 
Gazetteer, who notes this passage, 
rightly observes, tha'i Tushdspa is 
called Yavani Rdj-i, and the use of 
the word Rajaf shows, that he was 
a dignitary of high rank. That he 
is called Yavana Rdji does not 
prove that he was a Greek. All the 
scholars unanimously admit, that he 
was a Persian viceroy or governor. 

Girnar InseriptionKCW^M 7 -) 

(3) In 1862 Dr. Bhau Daji read 
a paper, on the abovesaid inscription 
at Junagadh in which he said, that 
the name of the actual builder of 
the bridge on the lake Sudarshaa\ 
near Girnar was thk Pahlava minis- 
ter of Rudradaman named Suvi- 
fhdkha, a Sanskrit adaptation of the 
Persian name Siavaksha. His father's 
name was Kulaipa, and Siavaksha 
appeared to have been the Governor 
of Anarta and Saurashtra (that is, 
Kathiawar.) 



[Some comments on the derivation 
of the names above given may not 
be out of place. As the Pali / stood 
for r, \ve think, that Kulaipa would 
be the same as Khura-pa, " protec- 
tor of the sun ; " or Kura-pa n. ight 
mean " protector of the blind." $ 

* Dutt Anc. India, Vol. II. p 46 ; Bom. 
Gaz. Vol. I. pt. II pp. 18-14 ; V. Smith 
Hist, of India p. 125; JR. A. S. 1915, 
p 12. 

f The word Raja may simply mean a 
" ruler " or even " archon " or " consul " 
(Rhys- David's Buddhism p. 92). 

\ Referred to in Rudradihnan's ins- 
cription mentioned above. 

See B. R. R. A. S. Journal Vol, VI, 
p. 114. Quoted in Thomas' Essay on 
Bactrian Coins ft. note p 104. See also 
Ind Ant. VII 263 and Bomb. Gaz. XIII. 
Pt. II p. 414 ; XIII Pt. I p. 443 ; I p. 64. 

$ Dr. Buhler suggests " Khoraib " in 
S. B. E. XXV. Intro, p. 115, 



As regards the name Suvishakha 
the writer of the Bombay Gazetteer 
says: " The name Suvishakha, as 
Dr. Bhau Daji suggests, may be a 
Sanskritised form of Siavaksha. One 
of the Karle inscriptions gives a 
similar name Sovasaka. apparently 
a corrupt Indian lorm of the original 
Persian, from which the Sanskri- 
tised Suvisakha must have been 
formed. Sovasaka is mentioned in 
the Karle inscription as an inhabi- 
tant of Abulama, apparently the 
old trade mart of Obollah at the 
head of tht Persian Gulf. This 
trade connection between the Per- 
sian Gulf and the Western India sea- 
board must have led to a settlement, 
from very early times, of Pahlavas, 
who gradually became converted to 
Buddhism" (Bom Gaz. Vol. I, pt. 
I, p. 35; IX, pt. I. p. 433.] 



We shall now give here important 
extracts from the Sanskrit inscrip- 
tion of Rudradaman at Junagadh 
referred to above, which has been 
reproduced and translated in the 
Indian Antiquary (Vol. VII, pp. 257- 
263)* by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji 
and Dr. G. Buhler. In the preface 
the writers observe: "From the 
following inscription it appears that 
an artificial lake, called Sud-arsdna, 
was situated at the foot of the Gir- 
nar. It had first been dug by the 
brother-in-law of the Maurya king 
Chandragupta, a Vaisya called 
Pushyagupta, and had been adorned 
with outlets by Tushaspa, the 
/avana governor of Asoka. In the 
72nd yeart of Rudradaman's reign, 
on the first day of the dark half of 

* See also Bhavanagar State Prakrit and 
Sanskrit Inscriptions, pp 20 21. 

t This refers to the era used on the 
coins, and not the length of Rudradaman's 
reign. Rudradaman the son of JayadSman 
ruled from A. D. U3 to 158. He was 
probably the greatest of the Western 
JCshatrapas. (Bom. Gaz,. I, Pt. I. 34), 



12 



Margashirsha, a heavy storm, at- 
tended by a copious rainfall, hap- 
pened, quite out of season, and so 
much increased the force of the 
current of the rivers, which flowed 
through the lake, that it destroyed a 
great portion of the embankment, 
which closed the latter. The water 
of the lake ran off, and its loss no 
doubt caused great inconvenience to 
the inhabitants of Junagadha. 

A little later the dyke was repair- 
ed by the Pahlava Suvisakha, who 
as Rudradaman's governor of Sura- 
shtra (southern Kathiavad) and 
Anarta (northern Kathiavad) resided 
at Junagad." 

The inscription runs thus : 



tops, trees, rocks, terraces, (pieces of) 
the neighbouring ground, gates, 
houses and pillars of victory, violently 
stirred the water, which displaced 
and broke (this lakej" 

XXXX 



" This Sudarsana lake at the foot 
of Girinagar hill ......... possesses a 

well-joined construction rivalling 
Uhe spurs of the mountain." 

xxxx 



xxxx wsqr 

' The Vaishya Pushyagupta, the 
brother-in-law of the Mauryan King 
Chandragupta had caused ut) to be 
constructed. It had been adorned 
with conduits under the superinten- 
dence of that* Yavanaraja Tushaspa 
of the Maurya, Asoka; with the con- 
duit made by him and the cons- 
truction of which was worthy of a 
king" &c. 

Note: Then we have a long pass- 
age, which refers to the glory and 
kingdom of Rudradaman. 




" This same (lake was destroyed} 
in the 72nd year of the king, 
the great Kshatrapa Rudradaman, 
whose name is repeated by great 
men, on the (first day) of the dark 
half of the month Margashirsha ...... 

when in consequence of the rain 
which had fallen very copiously, the 
earth had become as it were, one 
ocean, by the excessive swelling of 
the currents of the Palasini, Suvarna- 
sikata and other rivers, which (come] 
from Mount Urjayat, the embank- 
ment &c ....... In spite of suitable 

devices employed, an extremely 
furious hurricane, similar to the storm 
at the Deluge, throwing down hill- 



"The great Kshatrap Rudradaman, 
for the sake of a thousand years, for 
the sake of ...... cows and Brah- 

mans and for the increase of his 
merit and fame, has rebuilt (the 
embankment) three times stronger 
in breadth and length, in not a very 
long time, expending a great 
amount of money from his own trea- 
sury, without oppressing the people 
of the town by {exacting} taxes, 
forced labour or donations, (and) ...... 

has made the lake more beautiful." 



*That means "the celebrated"; "it is not 
improbable that he was more than a mere 
official " (footnote by Dr. Buhler). 



13 



The Sanskrit of the above Pali 
passage is as under : 




"When in this affair the great 
Kshatrap's advisers and engineers, 
though possessed of the qualifications 
of ministers, lost heart on account of 
the enormous size of the gap and 
gave up the undertaking and when 
the people, despairing of seeing the 
embankment rebuilt, began to lament, 
(the work) was accomplished by the 
minister Suvisakha, the son of 
Kulaipa, a Pahlava, who has been 
appointed by the king, out of kind- 
ness towards the town and country 
people, to protect the whole of 
Anarta and Surashtra, who by the 
proper dispensation of justice in mat- 
ters of money and merit, increases 
the affection (of the subjects), who is 
able, of subdued senses, neither 
nasty nor wanting in prescience of 
mind, of noble family and uncon- 
quered, who governs well and in- 
creases the spiritual merit, fame and 
glory of his master. 

As we have already seen " Siavak- 
sha appears to have been the go- 
vernor of Anarta and Surashtra." 
(B. B. R. A. S., VII 7, p. 114.) 

Karli Inscription. 

(4) The great rock temples in 
and near Thana district, which date 
from the centuries before and after 
Christ, seem to have been planned 
and sculptured by Parthian or Per- 
sian artists. Harpharan of Abu- 
lama,* whose name appears in one 
of the Karli inscriptions (namely 
inscription No. 20) was a Parthian or a 
Persian. The inscription runs thus: 




In the 24th year of the King 
Shri Pudumava, son of Vasava, (this) 
beautiful religious assignation (is 
made) of the mendicant Harapharana, 
son of Satru-parana, the devoted in- 
habitant of Abulama" (B. B. R. A. 
S., Vol. V, p. 158.)* 

In his ''Inscriptions from the Cave- 
Temples of Western India" (p. 36) 
Dr. Burgess reads the above 
inscription somewhat differently as 
follows : 



Sanskrit of the above : 




Obollah, a 
Persian Gulf. 



port near Bas'a on 



The King Vasithiputa, the illu- 
strious Pulimavi in the year (of his 
reign} twenty-four, 24, this meritorious 
gift of a mandapa by the 
Updsaka Harapharana, son of Seta- 
pharana, Sovasaka, native of Abulama 
&c." 

With reference to the names in 
the above inscription Dr G. Buhler 
remarks: "Harapharana and Seta- 
pharana are clearly two Persian 
names. The former corresponds with 
the Greek Horophernes or Holopher- 
nes. The latter part of both, pharana 
is the Persian frana 'lord'. Seta is 
perhaps the ancient Khshaeta and 
the modern Shed." 

Dr. Burgess says "the names 
of the Upasaka Harapharana and his 
father Setapharana are unlike any in 
use in India and may possibly be of 

*Dr Stevenson's translation of the pass- 
age (in B.B.R.A.S., Vol. V, p. 158.) is not 
correcti 



14 



Parthians. The name of their family 
Sovasvka has a resemblance to Syava- 
ka, but their native place Abulama 
has not an Indian name." 51 

The name "Harapharana" is com- 
posed of two words "Har or Ar," 
which is the first part of the name 
"Araspes" and "Pharana" (=Hvare- 
na) which is the first part of the 
name Farandates." 

The first part of the name Satru- 
parana" might be the same as 
the first word in "Satro-pates." 

As the word upasdka is generally 
used for Buddhist mendicants, it 
appears that Harapharana was a 
Zoroastrian at one time and he 
subsequently became a convert to 
Buddhism. 

The writer of the Bombay Gazetteer 
thinks that the above identification 
of Harapharana supports the close 
connection by sea between the 
Parthians and West coast of India in 
the centuries before and after the 
Christian era. The animal capitals 
of the pillars at Karli, Bedsa and 
Nasik are so closely alike to those 
at Persepolis and Susa, that according 
to Fergusson the early Buddhists of 
Western India either belonged to the 
Persian empire or drew their art 
from it. Rawlinson's description of 
the Halls at Hatra (Anc. Mon. VI, 
379) has several points of likeness to 
Western India Cave temples ; for 
example, semicircular vaulted roofs, 
no windows, the light coming through 
an archway at the east end and a 
number of small rooms opening from 
a central hall. Among the Sopara 
relics the resemblance between Mait- 
reya's head-dress, and the Parthian 
helmet adopted by Mithridates I 
about 150 B. C. is worthy of notice 
(Bom. Gaz., XIII, pp. 413,421, 429). 

Inscriptions of Nahapana's 
Family. 

(5) There are six inscriptions of 
Nahapana's family in the cave at 

"Inscriptions from Cave- Temples p. 37, 
also Archaeological Survey of India, IV, p. 
113. 



Nasik, one at Karli and one by 
Nahapana's minister at Junnar. The 
Karli inscription No. 13 is as 
follows : 




Sanskrit of the above 



"Usabhadata son of Dinika and 
son-in-law of the king Khaharata 
Khatapa Nahapana, the giver of 

3, 00, 000 cows, having given gold and 
being a visitor to tirtha at the BanasS, 
river, * the giver of sixteen villages 
to gods and Brahmans at the holy 
place Prabhasa f the giver of eight 
wives to Brahmans &c." (Inscriptions 
from Cave Temples by Burgess, 
p. 33.) 

Further up we are told that at 
Valuraka (a monastic establishment at 
Karle) Usabhadata gave the village 
of Karajaka to the sangha of 
ascetics. 

In the Nasik cave inscription No. 

4, the text of the inscription is the 
same up to 

Then we read : 




" At Bharukachha ( Broach), 
Dasapura, Govardhana and Shor- 
paraga ( Sopara) he made square 
buildings for houses of shelter ; 

This river fl-nvs from the base of Abu 
into the Run of Cachh ; ic may also be the 
river in eastern Kajputana flowing into the 
Chambal. 

f SomanStha Pattana, 



15 



he made gardens, tanks, 
and watering places ; he placed 
charitable ferry-boats on the rivers 
Iba, Parada, Damana, Tapi, Kara- 
vena, Dahanuka* and places for the 
charitable distribution of water on 
both sides of these rivers." (B. B. 
R. A. S., Vol. V, pp. 49-50.) 

Now Khaharata and Nahapana of 
the above inscriptions were Persians 
or Parthians according to several 
scholars. Dr Stevenson says : 
"The Nasik cave inscriptions Nos 4, 
5, 6 and 7 were excavated by the 
son-in-law of one of the Kshatrapas or 
Satr.ips of the Parthian monarchs, 
who, about the commencement of the 
Christian era, reigned over Western 
India. The Kshatrapa's name is 
Nahapanat, and the sovereign's 
Kshaharata. Neither cf these names 
i-; Indian. The latter however is not 
unlike Phrahates and may not 
improbably be intended for the fourth 
Parthian monarch of that name who 
reigned about B. C. 22. The son- 
in-law named Ushavadata,J son of 
Dinika was evidently from these 
names a Hindu. His wife, too, 
named Dakshamitra had no doubt 
an Indian Mother." (B. B. R. A. S., 
V, p. 40). 

In his paper on the Junagadh 
inscriptions Dr. Bhau Daji takes 
"Ksahharata" to be equivalent to 
Phrahates, " a satnp of the Parthian 
dynasty." (B B. R. A. S., VII., p. 
ll 1 /). Klsewhere he speaks about the 
Parthian King Nahapana (B B. R. 
A. S , Vll, p XIX) Dr. J. F Fleet 
says : " I hold that the (Saka) 
era was founded by the Kshaharata 

Ambiki, Par, Damanganga", Tapti, 
Kaveri and Dahanu (Bom Gaz , I , Pt. I. p. 
2r>). See also Archaeological burvey of 
Western India, Vol IV, pp. : 9-100). 

t A D. 18-120 (Bom. Gaz. 1 III, p. 24). 

t A. D., 100-120 (Idem p. 25) also 
Bom. Gaz. XIII p. 142. 

We d scuss below the derivations of 
some of -he names in the inscription? : 

Khihardta The Avestan kha is changed 
to fa in Persian; compare yukhtaP. jo/fa; 
ai>A/ita=P, goft. Now if we apply the 
Avestan rule, to Sanskrit, we have bk. 
khaharata=V. Pa.hard.ta* which by drop- 



King Nahapana, who reigned in 
Kathiawar and over some of the 
neighbouring territory as far as 
Ujjain from A. D 78 to about A. 
D 125 and held for a time Nasik 
and other parts north of Bombay, 
and who seems to have been a Pah- 
lava or Palhava, i.e. of Parthian 
extraction."* (J.R.A.S., 1913, pp. 
992-993). 

It appears from the Junnar inscrip- 
tion No. 26 that Nahapana may 
have become an independent ruler 
in course of time ; for, we read 
therein : 



Sanskrit 



ping the aspirate Aa would become Fardta 
=Phr;hes Fravartas'. 

Nahapana Its latter part is clearly 
Iranian ; compare Marzan&n, Yr,zdanp;in &c. 
The first part Nafta is probably a short 
f.rm of Narsha; compare Kahapana Kar- 
shilpana, The whole name would mean= 
"protector of men." 

Usabhstddta or- Usavadata. This name 
might be made up of ?<jM>-t-</A/a(=given 
by dawn). Cf . itaro-ddd (~=givzn by fire). 
Toe latter part of the name is data, which 
shows that it could not be a Hirdu name; 
o herwise we would expect data (datta') as 
in the names Sulasadata,Utardata Ramadata, 
Vinudata, (=Vishnudata) (&c., B B R.AS, 
Vol. V. p. 111). Since he gave 16 vil- 
lages in honour of the Devas, we think 
he had become a convert to the Hindu 
faith. His father's name was Dinika, which 
looks like the Persian name Diniydr 
and the name Diniddni. 

Note: Usabhada;ta was a Saka accoid- 
ing to the Nasik inscription No. 14 (See 
Bofn Gaz, I, Pt. I, p. 25, also, Archaeologi- 
cal Report of Western India Vol. iV. p. 
101). Now according to Mr. Rapson 
some of ihe Sakas were connected with the 
Pahiavas in about the first century B C. 
and first century A.D. (Rapson s Anc. 
India, p. 138). Maues was a Saka This 
also shows that Usabhadata may have been 
a Parthian or Persian at first. 

* Mr. R. Banerii disputes that the Saka 
era was founded by N^hnp^na, as he places 
the date of Nahapana in the en I of the 
last century B.C., or the beginning of 
the first century A.D. (J.R.A.S. 1^11, p. 
289. See also Bom. Gaz. I, Pt I, 26 ff.) 



16 



"The meritorious gift ... of Ayama 
of the Vachhasagotra, prime minister 
of the King Mahakhatapa (grett 
satrap} the lord Nahapana". (Inscrip- 
tions from Cave Temples pp. 51-52. 
B. B. R. A. S., Vol. V, p. 169.) 

Pahlavas In Nasik 
Inscription. 

(5) In the Nasik cave inscription 
No 1. we come across the names of 
the Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas. 
In that inscription it is stated that 
the King Gotamiputra was the ruler 
of the provinces of Mundaka, 
Saurashtra, Kukura, Aparanta, Anupa 
and Vidarbha, and was the lord of 
the Vindhya and Paryatra (western 
part of the Vindhya) mountains, the 
Sahya (Western Ghauts) and Kanha 
(Kanheri) hills Sec. He subdued 
Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas about 
whom we read as under : 



"( Of him) the Kshatriya , 
who flaming like the god of love, 
subdued the Sakas, Yavavas and 
Palhavas"*(B.B.R.A. S ,V.,p.4l). 

Inscription on the Mani- 
kiala | stone. 

(7) Learned attempts have been 
made by eminent scholars, like M. 



Gotamiputra son of Pudumavi ruled 
in 120 A. D., according to the Bom. Gaz. 
lie was the most distinguished monarch of 
the Sha"takarni or Andhra dynasty. In the 
Archaeological Survey of India Vol. IV., 
(pp. 108-109) the reading of the above 
passage is as follows : 



"Of him who humbled the pride and arro- 
gance of the Kshatriyas of him who des- 
troyed the Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas.'' 

| Manikiala inscription is a Kharoshthi 
record from the Rawal Pindi District (J. 
R.A.S., 1914, p. 313). 

Manikiala was one of the most famous 
places in the Pan jab at a very early period. 
The old town was cabled Mdnikpur or 
Maniknagar. It was on the South-east of 
Peshawar, and also of Taxila but nearer 
the latter namely about 84 miles from it. 
(Cunningham's Anc. Geography of India, 
pp. 104 and 121 ff and Archoco. Reports, 
II., p. 152 ff.) 



Senart, Prof. Luders and Mr. Pargiter 
to decipher this important inscription, 
and its reading may now be taken as 
almost certain. We make no apolo- 
gies to give some extracts of Mr. 
Pargiter's paper on the subject given 
in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 1914 (p. 641 ff). We have 
adopted Mr. Pargiter's translation 
with slight modifications. The in- 
scription is in Kharosthi script, and 
is written in Prakrit or Pali language. 
It contains some Iranian words, such 
as 5^PT (Av Furu-aspa ), ^ff^T or 
^^T% ("=Vese, Av. Vaeska), ^p?I3; 
(Av. Spenta=Holy one), and ^q 
(=priest of hostile religion). It also 
contains pure Sanskrit and Greek 
words, such as ^T^f> and sffr respec- 
tively. 

The inscription stone was put up 
in a market place, close to the object 
of donation, which was most probably 
an instrument for measuring time. 
The donation was a joint gift of a 
Zoroastrian donor and a Buddhist 
priest. 

I give below Mr. Pargiter's read- 
ing,* omitting the first and last two 



lines, which 
our purpose : 



are not important for 




If turned into Sanskrit, the above 
inscription would run thus : 




* The inscription is referred to also by 
Sir A. Cunningham in his Archaeological 
Reports II, p. 163. 



17 




Translation: "In the year 
18, the King Puru-aspa, the son 
(?5?Fr) and aggrandiser of the 
Kushan race of Kanishaka, the 
nobleman of the people, establishes 
in the market place of the Satrap 
Vespashi, who is fond of the hours, 
(i.e. muhurtds], a vihanti (-=a clock ?) 
for clear announcement through the 
ringing or proclamation of the 
hours, (i.e. muhurids), along with 
Vespashi, with Khudenti and with 
Buritra, the priest of the Vihara 
(Buddhist monastry) and with all 
attendants. May the useful gift, by 
(its) meritorious foundation, with (the 
aid of) Buddha and Spenta (=the 
Holy one), be always true/' 



[A. few annotations on important 
words are given below : 

Kshatra Puru-aspa Mr. Pargiter 
supposes this to be the Iranian equi- 
valent of the country (SrT^r) Ashvjka 
(in Sanskrit) and Aspassioi (in Greek) 
(Mr. Crindle's Anc. India., pp. 22, 
33). But the full name is Puru-aspa, 
not Aspfi; hence we take Puru-aspa 
to be a proper name for Pourushashpa. 
Kshathra is an Avestan word, which 
means " king." Mr. Pargiter takes 
the word Kshafhra in its other sense, 
namely "realm," and taking ^5?T 
as a proper noun, he translates the 
first two lines thus : 

"In the year 18, Lalana, the Presi- 
dent of the people, the aggrandiser 
of the Gushan race of Kanishka, the 
great king of the realm Puru-aspa, 
establishes &c." 



We take 55^5?T as a common noun, 
forming a compound with ^"4^5. If 
is a form of the nominative 



singular, 3^7 would also be the 
same. It is to be noted that the 
nominative singular also ends in 3Tf 
as we see in ^5?ft and 5Rq%. This 
is both aftrtrthe Prakrit and Avestan 
fashion. The writer at times uses 
Avestan forms ; in ^uj^r the com- 
pound is formed according to the 
rules of Avesta grammar, since its 
first member is in the nominative 
singular*. The instrumental forms 
such as cfrjrT and ^TOrrcT instead of 
cR 1 and cfct't/n show Avestan in- 
fluence. 

Vespashi This word has been read 
by Pro. Luders as Ve-eshi. Could this 
be Vese, Avestan Vaeska ? 

Khudenti is read as KhujacM by 
Prof. Luders. 

Karapa This is an Iranian word* 
As Mr. Pargiter says : "No Buddhist 
title such as swdmin is used, but the 
Iranian word Karpvn, which was 
applied to teachers and priests hostile 
to the Zoroastrian religion, is used." 

Horn This is the Greek word, 
meaning "hour." The word muhurta 
is used as its equivalent, or as the 
nearest Indian approach, since mu- 
hurta contains 48 minutes. Hora 
would have been familiar in the 
Greco-Bactrian states and to the 
author of this inscription, but not to 
the Indians. Hence the use of both 
the words in apposition. 

Vihanti This is a doubtful word. 
The meaning of the word (Ghati} 
(water-clock) would suit admirably, 
but the two words cannot be connect- 
ed linguistically. The context sug- 
gests, that it must be the name of 
some instrument for measuring time. 

Budhehi and Spentakahi Might 
be genitive singular after the Avesta 
fashion. Mr. Pargiter takes them as 
crude instrumental plural. 

* The use of the nominatire at the end 
of the first pait of the compound is well 
known in inscriptions; Cf. pdsddotoranant 
(Epigraphia Indica, II, p. 195 ; also I. 
p. 315.) 



18 



Instead of ^1 ^ we might adopt 
the reading '-^T^T (^c^TTER) " seat 
of truth." In that case the last line 
might be rendered thus: 
"May the useful gift, by its meritor- 
ious foundation, be the seat of truth 
of the Buddha and the Spenta."] 



CHAPTER No. 4. 

References to Persians in 
History. 

In this Chapter, we give re- 
ferences to the Persians in historical 
works and books of standard authors, 
pointing out what we know about 
their religion. 

Parthiatis in Gujarat and 
Sindh. 

(1) Ferishta speaks of an Indian 
king named Sinsarchand who paid 
tribute to the Iranian king Goclrej. The 
latter was a Parthian king. Briggs 
thought that Sinsarchand was San- 
drocotus or Chandragupta; but in 
our opinion this does not appear to be 
correct. (Bngg's Ferishta, Vol. I.) 

(2) Major-General Cunningham 
says: " Thatha was the actual 
position of the Minhdbari of the Arab 
geographers, and of the Min-nagar of 
the author of the Periplus....The name 
Manhabari is variously written as 
Mehdbari and Manjdbari, for which 
we might perhaps read Mandabari 
or Manddivari ' the city of the Mand 
tribe.' This Mand tribe is re- 
ferred to by Edrisi, Ibn Haukal, 
Rashid-ud-din and Masudi. The 
name is variously written as Mer, 
Med, Mand and Mind. " The Mand 
tribe occupied Lower Sindh in 
great numbers from the beginning 
of the Christian era. To this people 
I refer the name of Min-nagar or 
'city of Min/ which was the Capital 
of Lower Sindh in the second cen- 
tury of the Christian era. Min 
was a Scythian name. ...The appear- 
ance of the name in Sindh would 
alone be sufficient to suggest the 
presence of Scythians ; but its con- 
nection with them is placed beyond 
all doubt by the mention, that the 
rulers of Min-nagar were rival Par- 
thians, who were mutually expelling 
each other. * These Parthians were 

* Perirl- Mar. Eryth ; in Hudson's 
Georg, Vol. 1-22. These contending Par- 
thians must have been the remnant of the 
Karen Pahlavas who joined with the Kushans 
fo attack Ardeshir Papakan (Journ. As. 
1866, VII- 134. Bom Gaz I, Pt. I, p 544.) 



19 



Dahi\3 Scythians from the Oxus, 
who gave the name of Indo-Scythia 
to the valley of the Indus." (Ancient 
Geography of India, pp. 289-292.) 

(3) According to Lieut-Col. James 
Tod: " Arrian, who resided in the 
second century al Barugaza (Broach,) 
described a Parthian sovereignty as 
extending from the Indus to the 
Nerbadda. Their capital was 
Minagara." (Annals and Antiqui- 
ties of Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 179 ) 

Indo-Parthian Kings. 

(l) The Indo-Parthian dynasty, 
which ruled in the Pan jab from 120 
B.C. to 60 A.D. is of the greatest 
interest for us. Mithridates I. of 
Parthia* annexed the country be- 
tween the Indus and Hydaspes (Jih- 
lam) or in other words, the kingdom 
of Taxila, towards the close of his 
reign, in or about 138 B.C. That 
kingdom, the western Pan jab, seems 
to have formed an integral part of 
the Parthian dominion for a few 
years, but upon the death of Mithri- 
dates I about 136 B. C., the 
control of the government over the 
outlying provinces was relaxed; and 
about 120 B.C. a chieftain named 
Maus (Moa-=Maha) f made himself 
king of Taxila, and enjoyed practical 
independence. Some of his coins bear 
legend ^RTf^RR^ JTfcRT ^3^ " of 
Moa the great king of kings." 

Besides the coins of the great 
Moga or Moa and his successors, 
those of Vonones, Spalahores, Spali- 
rises and Hpalagadames were found 
in Peshawar and the districts on the 
west bank of the Indus (Cunning- 
ham's Archaeological Reports, II, 
p. 59.) 

* Von Gutschmid referring to Orosius 
(V-4) and Diodorus attributes to Mithri- 
dates the annexation of the old kingdom 
of Poros without war. 

f Rapson says (and he is supported by 
Cunningham, vide Anc Geography of 
India, p. 118), that Maues is identified 
with Afoga, which name is a dialectical va- 
riant of Moa (Ancient India, p. 141). Dr. 
Fleet disputes this (J.R.A.S. 1914, p. 798.) 



(2) Mithridates II suppressed 
the independence of Sistan with its 
appanages, and incorporated those 
provinces in the Parthian empire. 
Azes (or Aya), who was deprived of 
Arachosia (Kandharj was permitted 
to succeed Maus at Taxila and to 
establish a dynasty there (90 B. C.) 
The legend on his coins is H^KMtl 
<|oKM<y fTJTcW siq^T " of Aya, the 
great, the great king, the king of 
kings." 

(3) Azes was succeeded by his 
son Azilises (Ayilisha)* in 40 B. C. 
He ruled for 25 years. He was 
succeeded by Azes II in 15 B. C. 

(4) Then came Gondophares in 
20 A. D., and ruled up to 60 A. D. 
He extended his authority over Ara- 
chosia, Sistan and the valley of the 
lower Indus. In his coins, his name 
is written as Gadaphras. t Lastly 
came Abdagases (Avadagasha.) In 
the latter part of the 1st century A.D. 
the author of the Periplus found the 
valley of the Lower Indus, which, 
he called ^cythia, under th3 rule 
of Parthian chiefs. At this time the 
Sakas, Yueh-chi and other nomad 
hordes from the steppes of Central 
Asia were swarming down upon the 
North-Western fron'ier of India. 
Abdagases reigned for a short time 
and his kingdom passed into the 
hands of foreigners. (V. Smith's 
Catalogue of Coins, pp. 33, 36, and 
Hist, of India, pp. 202-7.) 

We have to note, that " there was 
an intimate connection between the 
family of the Pahlava Volones and 
that of Maus. This connection is 
proclaimed by certain coins, on 
which the brother of the king, Volo- 
nes, is definitely associated to Azes. 
The family of Volones ruled in Seis- 
tan, Kandhar and North Baluchis- 
tan, and that of Maus ruled in 
Punjab and Sindh, until towards the 
end of th 1st quarter of the first 

* Ayilish or Avirish is the Avestan word 
Airya. Dr. Buhler supposes Aya to be 
the short form of Arya (See Epigraphia 
Indica, II, pp. 896, 398.) 

f Gadman, and Farra or Hvarena. 



20 



century A. D., the two kingdoms 
were untied under the sway of the 
Pahlava Gondopharnes or Gadman- 
hvarena." (Rapson's Anc. India, 
pp. 144-5, 184.) 

The coins of Gondophares and his 
successors are found in Seistan, Kan- 
dhar and Sindh and in the South 
Panjab. Those of Gondophares 
are found also at Kabul. He was 
thus the ruler of Seistan, Kandhar 
and Sindh. This is confirmed by the 
fact, that Gondophares is almost cer- 
tainly the same as Gondoforus of the 
early Christian legends, who is said 
to have put St. Thomas to death. In 
the Legenda Aurea, Gundoforus is 
called king of India a title which 
agrees with the recorded accounts of 
the scene of St. Thomas' mission in 
Parthia, Persia and India. But the 
place of his death is even more dis- 
tinctly stated by Bishop Sophronius, 
who says, "dormtvif in civitate, Cala- 
mina, qucc est fndice." An old ins- 
cription of A. D. 1070 on the door of 
the Basilica of St. Paul on the Ostian 
road, also testifies that he was put to 
death in India. These and other 
statements lead Sir A. Cunningham 
to show that king Gundoforus of the 
Christian legends was the ruler of 
Western India in the time of St. 
Thomas, and as king Gondophares 
of the coins was the ruler of the 
same country about the same time, the 
two names were probably of the same 
person. The rule of Gondophares 
must have extended over the Eastern 
Panjab, as his coins are found in 
Multan and in all the ruined mounds 
to the south of Lahor. Shortly after 
his death or in A. D. 79, one of his 
successors must have lost the 
Southern Panjab ; as the great 
victory of Salivahana ver the 
Sakas, at Kahror near Multan, 
can only apply to them. We may 
also infer, that Abdagases the ne- 
phew, and Sasan * the relative of 
Gondophares must have reigned in 

* A coin of king Sasan was found in 
No. 15 mound at Manikyala ( Arch. Re- 
ports. II, p. 161). 



the Panjab, as their coins are found 
there only ; and that for a similar rea- 
son, Orthagnes, another relative must 
have reigned in Kandhar, Seistan 
and Sindh. The coins of Arsakes and 
Sanabares precede those of Gondo- 
phares ; but the coins of Pakores and 
of at least two other princes, the 
successors of Orthagnes, show that 
this dynasty must have ruled down 
to about 100 A. D. ( Cunningham's 
Archaeological Reports II, pp. 59-61). 

Kushrn Coins Proving 
Zoroastrian Influence. 

Now we shall note some numisma- 
tic facts which show what influence 
Iran exercised over the religion of the 
Kushan tribe in the early centuries 
after Christ. About 126 B.C., the 
little kingdom of Bactria came to an 
untimely end through the invasions 
of the Yu-chi * and other cognate 
Turanian tribes, who swept through 
Central Asia, and subsequently con- 
quered Kabul, and occupied the 
country as far as the Indus. Kani- 
shka, f a great king of their race 
came to the throne in 120 A. D. He 
was a great conqueror and his empire 
extended from Kabul and Yarkand 
as far as Agra and Gujarat. He was 
a Buddhist. He held the great 
council of the Northern Buddhists; 
and emissaries were sent to introduce 
Buddhism in the neighbouring king- 
doms. Now the empire of Kanishka 
merits special mention on account of 
its peculiar religious attitude, which 
may be gathered from the coins. 
As already stated, Kanishka had em- 
braced Buddhism, and many of his 
coins bear the image and name of 
Buddha. Iranian divinities, how- 

* That is Tartar. 

f The dates of his successors are . 
HuviskalSOA.D., Va"sudeva 180 A. D. (V. 
Smiths' Catalogue of Coins, p. 64). 

Dr. Buhler gives Samvat 39 to 48 and 80 
to 98 to Huvishka and Vftsudeva respec- 
tively (Epigraphia Indica, I, p. 378). Ac- 
cording to Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, 
Kanishka ruled from A.D. IS to 100, 
Huvishka from A.D. 100 to 123, and Vasu- 
deva from A.D. 123 to 150 (?) (Bom. Gaz. 
I, Pt, I, pp. 22, 37), 



21 



ever, predominate on the coins of 
Kanishka and his successor Huvishka 
such as, Miiro (Jlfeher,_sun}, Mao 
(Mdh, moon), Athsho ( At ash, fire), 
Oado ( Vat, wind), i: haoreoro ( ' Shehe- 
revarj, Orthagno (Vereihraghna), 
t harro fFarna, hvarena=ma.)QSty of 
kingship), Nana ( ' Anahita) &c. 

Here then we have a perfect ex- 
ample of syncretism. Buddhism and 
Zoroastrianism have been wedded in 
the state religion, and in characteris- 
tic Indian fashion are on the best of 
terms with one another. (Encycl. 
Br., Ed XI, Vol. 21, p. 116). 

Stein observes, that the elo- 
quent and most authentic evidence of 
the Turushka coinage furnishes a safe 
starting point for all future inquiries 
into that fascinating epoch of the 
history of the Aryan nations, which 
witnessed the interchange of Bud- 
dhist and Magian influences between 
India and Iran*. 

In this connection the following 
remarks are quite appropriate: 
"The newer Buddhism of 
Kanishka's day, designated as 
the Mahayana or "great vehicle," 
was largely of foreign origin, and 
developed as the result of the com- 
plex interaction of Indian, Zoroastrian, 
Christian, Gnostic and Hellinic 
elements." 

The name of Huvishka t the 
successor of Kanishka, is the Iranian 
word Ruvaksha ; however, the legend 
on his coins (jfiJTCRT \^^\ |fcf?=fj) 
shows, that he was not a pukka 
Zoroastrian ; no orthodox Zoroastrian 
would connect his name with Deva. 
He resembled Kanishka in an eclectic 
taste for a strange medley of Greek, 
Indian and Persian deities. The types 
on his coins include Herakles, 
Sarapis. Shiva, Skanda with his son 
Vishakha, Pharro and the Fire-god ; 
but the figure and name of Buddha 
are wanting. 

*Stein's Zoroastrian Deities on Indo-Scy- 
thian Coins, p. 12. 

t We also come across the form Huksha 
(see Epigraphia Indica, II, pp. 197-198 & 
206.) 



Huvishka was succeeded by Vasude- 
va. * His coins present the royal 
figure clad in the garb of Persia, and 
manifestly imitated from the effigy of 
Sapoor I. (238 to 269 A. D.). (V. 
Smith's Hist, of India, p. 233, 239). 
From the fact, that the Kushan 
dynasty in Northern India, and the 
Andhra in the Deccan disappear 
almost at the moment, when the 
Ashkhanian dynasty of Persia was 
superseded by the Sassanian, it is 
conjectured that the three events were 
connected in some way, (possibly by 
a predatory invasion by the Iranians) 
which explains the renewed Persian 
influence. 

Sassanian Persians Connect* 
ed With India. 

(l) The Sassanian dynasty was on 
terms of close friendship with the 
rulers of Western India and became 
the leading traders in the eastern 
seas. In proof of this we notice 
Beheram Ghor's visit (A. D. 436) to 
the king of Kanauj (A. D. 423-43S;t 
probably to ask for help in his strug- 
gle with the White Huns, his marriage 
with an Indian princess, his founding 
of the dynasty of the Gardhabin 
kings, and the introduction of Indian 
music and literature into Persia. It 
was under the Sassanians, that the 
Persians brought chess and the 
Arabian Nights from India ( Bom. 
Gaz., Vol. XIII, pp. 248, 419; Asiatic 
Researches, IX, pp. 147-155). 

The Hindu princess with whom 
Beheramghor married was Sapinuda 

* From the pure Hindu name of Vasudeva 
Cunningham says that it might be supposed 
that he was a Hindu; but as the coins give 
him the tribal name of Korano^...^ must 
have been an Indo-Scythian. Cunningham 
thinks, that the descendants of the Indo- 
Scythians gradually became Indianized, and 
that they must be sought for amongst some 
of the inferior tribes in the North- West, 
such as the Gats and Gujars (J.R.A.S. New 
Series, Vol 5, p. 195). He draws attention to 
the evidence of the early adopti n of Hindu 
names by the Indo- Scythians (Ach. Reports, 
111-41, 42, V-140), 

t'osmas Indikopleustas (A. D. 545) 
found the Persians among the chief traders 
in the Indian Ocean. (Yule's Cathay I, 



22 



according to the Shahname. Firdusi 
says that when Beheramghor carried 
away Sapinuda and came to the sea, 
he saw a group of Iranian traders, 
about whom the poet says : 

" Ke bazarganane Iran budand, 
Baabobakhushki deliran budand." 

"Because they were Iranian traders; 
they were bold in travelling by land 
and sea." 1 * ( Kutar's Shahname, 
Vol. VIII, p. 139 ). 

This shows that the Iranian traders 
went to India both by land and sea. 

In his paper on Parsis and Early 
Islam Mr. G. K. Nariman quotes 
Tabari to show that Shapur II built 
cities not only in Sagistan, but ac- 
tually in Sindh. Again king Piroz 
founded two cities in India proper 
called Ram Piroz and Roshen Piroz. 
( The Praja Mitra and Parsi, 28th 
February 1918) 

(2) Both Naushirvan the Just (A.D. 
531-579) and his grandson Parviz 
(A. D. 590-628) were united by 
treaties and by the interchange of 
rich presents with the rulers of Sou- 
thern India and Sindh. 

About 565 A. D. the domi- 
nions of the White Huns, namely 
Kashmir, Gandhara and Peshavar 
passed into the hands of the Persians ; 
but their grasp soon relaxed. On the 
authority of Tabari it is stated, that 
king Khusru II of Persia received 
an embassy from king Pulikessin II 
in about 625 A. D., and a return 
embassy was sent from Persia, which 
was received with due honour at the 
Indian court. A large fresco painting 
in cave No. 1 of Ajanta (near Auran- 
gabad), although mutilated, is easily 
recognised as a vivid representation 
of the ceremonial, attending the 
presentation of their credentials by 
the Persian envoys. The picture also 
shows, that the Ajanta school of pic- 

* Wilford says, " Hindus to this day 
(1809) show the place where he (Behr^m- 
gour or Gadhd-rupa) lived about one day's 
march to the north of Broach, with the 
ruins of his palace" (Asiatic Researches, 
IX, p. 151). 



torial art was derived from Persia* 
(V. Smith's Early Hist, of India, p. 
325). 

Regarding the above Dr. Fleet 
says : 

Mr. Fergusson has shown that there 
is an Arabic chronicle, which records 
the fact that in the 36th year of the 
reign of Khosru II, of Persia, presents 
and letters were interchanged between 
him and Pulikesi II. (610-634 A. D.) 
In the same paper IV r. Fergusson 
has drawn attention to a painting in 
one of the Ajanta caves, which depicts 
the presentation of a letter from a 
Persian king to an Indian king who is 
supposed to be Pulikesi II. (J. R. A. 
S-, XI, p. 155. Fleet's Dynasties of the 
Kanarese Districts, p. 25). 

According to Mr. G. K. Nari- 
man : "We read of a king, whose 
real name must be Shri Ilarsha of 
Sindh, in whose time a Persian 
army pushed into Sindh. The 
king fell in the battle, but the Per- 
sians contented themselves with de- 
vastating a portion of the country and 
returned, the throne of Sindh being 
once more occupied by the son of the 
slain ruler. He was himself overthrown 
in 641, which leads us to conclude 
that the occupation of the Persians 
took place in the reign of Khosru 
Parwez... Coins discovered in North- 
West India with Indian and Pahlavi 
legends prove that this territory be- 
longed to the king or kings of Persia 
at a certain period. The most impor- 
tant of the coins.. .bears the legend 
of 'Khosru Shahanshah.' On the 
obverse are the impressions of the 
sun god of Multan and the year 
corresponding to the Christian date 
627 on the reverse." (The Praja 
Mitra and Parsi, 28th February 1918). 

* The writer of the Bombay Gazetteer 
(Voll?, p. 248) says: 

JNaoshirvan's embassy to Pulikesi II the 
ruler of BSdalmi in the Southern Maratha 
Country, is believed to be the subject of one 
of the Ajanta cave paintings and another of 
the pictures is supposed to be copied from a 
portrait of Parvez and the beautiful Shirin 
(Masudi's Prairies d'Or II, 201). 



(3) Dr. Bhau Daji opines that it 
was Burzuchumihr, the minister of 
Naushirvan, who despatched the phy- 
sician Barzuya to India for obtaining 
a copy of the Pane hat 'ant 'ra, or origi- 
nal of the Hiiopaiesha, which he 
got translated into Pahlavi. He also 
introduced the game of chess from 
the same source. 

Dr. Daji surmises that the name 
Barzuya is in all likelihood the same 
as Vararuchi* He says : Whether 
this Vararuchi is the same as one 
of the " nine gems "t at the 
court of Yikramaditya, we have no 
means of ascertaining ; but when we 
consider, that he was able to trans- 
late the Panchtantra rapidly into Pah- 
lavi, and that he was acquainted 
with medical and other writings of 
the Hindus, which at that time were 
chiefly in the Prakrit language, we 
are led to believe, that the later 
Vararuchi of Harsha-Vikramaditya's 
court was this Barzuya. We write 
this with the knowledge that the 
Kalila va Dimna, the Arabic trans- 
lation of the Pahlavi version, informs 
us, that the Pandit antra was obtained 
at Patliputra, and that it takes no 
notice of Ujjayini." (B. B. R. A. S. 
VI, p. 226.). " 

(4) According to one account, early 
in the 7th century, a large body of 
Persians landed in Western India, 
and from one of their leaders whom 
Wilford believed to have been a son 
of Khosru Parviz, the family of Ude- 
pur is to have sprung. (For authorities 
see Bom Gaz. XIII, p. 248). 

(4a) General Cunningham has no- 
ted that the influence of the Sassanians 

The full name is "Barzuchihar" ; 
z would be prononcei as h ; thus we would 
have "Barhuchihar." Dropping both the 
aspirates h- the word would be 'Barucbira', 
which by transposition of the last r would 
form 'Bar'r'ucni"or "Yara'ruchi." Thus 
Dr. Daji's surmise seems to be correct. 

t In the Jyotirvidabharana Kavya Chap- 
ter XXII 10 it is stated : 

"Dhanwantari, Kshapanaka, Amarsinha, 
Shanteu, Vitalabhatta, Ghatakharapara, 
KalidSs, the renowned Varalia Mihira and 
Vararuchi, are the nine gems of Vikrama." 



was most strongly felt in Sindh and 
Western Rajputana, where India and 
Persia came into direct contact ; but 
in North-Western India and the Pun- 
jab, it was disseminated by the 
White Huns and the Little Yuchi, 
who successively held the Kabal 
valley. The former were certainly 
fire-worshippers, and the latter were 
apparently Brahmanists, but both had 
adopted the style of the Sassanian 
coinage, and as the date of the 
Sassanian influence is well known, it 
is a convenient and well-marked dis- 
tinction to call it the I ndo- Sassanian 
period This period, Cunningham 
extends down to A. D, 700, shortly 
after which the direct Persian influ- 
ence was brought to a close in Wes- 
tern India by the Mohammedan con- 
quest of Sindh and Multan in A. D. 
711. (See Cunningham's Archaeolo- 
gical Reports, III, p. 5). 

(4b) The writer of the Bombay 
Gazetteer notices the traditional con- 
nection between Valabhiand the Ra- 
nas of Mewad with the Sassanian kings 
of Persia (AD. 250-650). In support 
of the tradition, Abul Fazal (A. D. 
1590) says that the Rands of Mewad 
consider themselves descendants of 
the Sassanian Naushirwan (A. D. 
531-579), and Tod quotes fuller de- 
tails from the Persian history of Maa- 
ser-al-Umra. No evidence seems to 
support a direct connection with 
Naushirwan. At the same time 
marriage between the Valabhi chief 
and Maha Banu the fugitive daugh- 
ter of Yazdgard the last Sassanian 
(A. D. 651) is not impossible. And 
the remaining suggestion that the 
link between Naushirwan's son Nau- 
shizad, who fled from his father in 
A. D. 570 receives support in the 
statement of Procopius, that Nan- 
shizad found shelter at Belapatan in 
Khuzistan, perhaps Belapatan in 
Gurjaristan. As these suggestions 
are unsupported by direct evidence, 
it seems best to look for the source 
of the legend in the fire symbols in 
use on Kathiawad and Mewad coins. 
These symbols betray from about the 
sixth centurv a more direct Sassanian 



influence. (Bom. Gaz., I, Pt. I, p. 
102). 

(5) Drammas, * which are still 
found in the Konkan, are believed by 
Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji to be the 
coins of a corrupt Sassanian type, 
which are better known as Gadhid- 
paisd or ass-money. The Pdruttha 
Drammas mentioned on a stone, 
which records the grant of land in 
Uran by the Silahar i king Somes war 
in 1249 A D- seem to be Parthian 
Drammas or Dirhems. (Bom. Gaz. 
Vol. 18, pp 427-428). ( J. R A. S., 
XII, pp. 325, 328). 

(6) In his paper on the Ancient 
Dynasties of Kathiawar and Guzerat 
Mr. Justice Newton remarks : " We 
find little in the Greek or native his- 
tories to assist us in determining 
whether the impulse, which resulted 
in the establishment of the Shah 
empire, emanated from the Bactrian 
or the Parthian division of the king- 
dom of Alexander. The Bactrian 
King Demetrius, who must have 
reigned about B. C. 190, is stated by 
Strabo to have made conquests in 
India, but we have no evidence that 
he reached Guzerat and Kathiawar. 
That Menander, in about 130 B. C. 
ruled in the North-West of India 
seems certain. Mr. Princep has 
remarked, that the execution of the 
Shah coins leads us rather to look to 
those of the Parthians as the originals 
from which they were derived, and 
this connection, though not certain, 
may incline us to view Parthia rather 
than Bactria as the monarchy, from 
which in some way the Shah empire 
took its rise.f We certainly have 
evidence of a connection between 
Persia and Western India at a 
later period , in the fact that a sub- 
sequent deteriorated issue from some 
mint in Guzerat, now known as 

* The Drammas are mentioned in the 
Ilarsha Stone Inscription dated Samvat 
1030 ( see Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, 
pp. 125,180). 

f About A. D. 80 or 40. 



"Gadhia Paisa*" has plainly been 
imitated from the coins of the 

Sassanides That the Parthians 

had power, shortly before the acces- 
sion of the Shahs, to extend their 
territory in the direction of Guzerat 
is evident, since for the century be- 
fore, and during the century follow- 
ing, they were the formidable 
antagonists of Rome. In this state of 
things, too, we have perhaps an 
explanation of the rise of a new dy- 
nasty, and of its being left free to 
pursue a career of conquest eastward 
and southward, as described in the 
Shah inscriptirn at Girnar. The 
Indo-Scythians had probably ren- 
dered Bactria unable to interfere, and 
the Parthians had sufficient occupa- 
tion in their conquests with Scythia 
and the Romans." 

Further up the learned Judge 
says : '' The downfall of the Vala- 
bhi empire was attributed by Colonel 



* James Princep in his Essays on Indian 
Antiquities Vol I p. 335 says : " The po- 
pular name of these rude (silver and copper) 
coins is in Guzarat Gauhia M paisd=o.ss<- 
money or rather the money of Gadhia, a 
name of VJkTamaditya. This king was X X 
a powerful king of the Western provinces, 
his capital being Cambat or Cam 'ay: and it 
is certain that the princes of these parts were 
tributary to Persia from a very early period." 
Further up Princep says : " Scholars have 
discovered on the coins the profile of a face 
after the Persian model on one side and the 
Sassanian fire altar on the other. If this is 
admitted as proof of an Indo-Sassanian dy- 
nasty in Saurashtra, we may find the date of 
its establishment in the epoch of Yazdgird 
the son of Behera'mgor. This is supported 
by the testimony of the Agni Purana, that 
Vikrama the son of Gadha-rupa (=Behe- 
ramgor according to Wilford) ascended the 
throne of Malaya" (Ujjain) in A. D. 441. : ' 
(Ibid, pp. 841-342). 

According to Pandit Bhagwanlal the name 
of the coin is from the Sanskrit ITcr^TT^ 
meaning, of the Gardhabhi dynasty, (B.B.R. 
A. S. XII-829). Wilford thinks hat Gardhabhi 
is a name to a family of Sassanian kings 
subsequent to the period of Vaharam Gor' 
Consequently the date of ths beginning of 
this currency would be subsequent to A.D. 
420, when the feing flourished" (Asiatic 
Researches IX, p. 149). 



25 



Tod* to an army of Parthians and 
Scythians, but Mr. Elphinstone has 
suggested, that the invaders may 
have been Sassanians, probably under 
Naushirvan ; and in this event, we 
have doubtless an explanation of the 
occurrence of the Gadhia coins already 
referred to. Barbarized as these are, 
the attempt to delineate the bust and 
fire altar of the Sassanides is evident ; 
and it is certain, therefore, either 
that the Sassanian monarchy obtained 
a footing at Guzerat, or as is more 
probable, that an off-shoot of the 
dynasty succeeded in establishing an 
empire there X X X X X X 
If the number of the debased 
Gadhias, which from time to time 
come to light, may be looked on as 
indicative of rule extending over a 
century or two, our researches hither- 
to will bring us down to the com- 
mencement or end of the seventh 
century of our era, and close with a 
race of Sassanian origin reigning in 
Kutch, Kathiawar and Guzerat. " 
(B.B.R.A.S. Journal, VII, pp. 30-36).f 

Indo-Sassanian coins are found in 
Malwa and Gujarat....! he earliest 
coins are of large size and their imi- 
tation of the Sassanian money is 
direct and obvious. But the latter 
coins depart more and more from the 
original, so that it is not easy at first 

sight to trace their descent Mr. 

Codrington, Secretary of Bombay 
Asiatic Society, selected a series 
of coins to show the gradual change 
of the Persian head on the obverse 
and the fire-altar on the reverse of 

Tod ( Rajasthana I, pp. 83, 217, 218 ) 
says : The invaders were Scythic, probably 
Parthians from Minagara and that the fall 
of Valabhi took place in A. O. 524. So 
Cunningham, Arch. Sur. Ind. II, p. 70, 
and Forbes, Ras Mala I. p. 21. But we 
now know that the Valabhi dynasty lasted 
for 200 years after this. (See also Dr. 
Burgees' Arch. Sur. of Western f/n/ia, 
VI p. 3). 

t This information given by Justice 
Newton is very interesting but unfortunately 
it is vague. There are ; Iso chronological 
difficulties, which Or. Burgess had tried to 
explain away. (Bom. Gaz. VIII p. 274 ; 
also I pt. I p. 94 note). 



the Sassanian coins into the oblong 
button and the series of dots and 
lines found on the Gadhia coins. 
(Cunningham's Archaeological Re- 
ports, XI, p. 176, Bombay B. Royal 
Asiatic Society's Journal, XII, 325). * 

Cunningham came across 13 fire 
altar Indo-Sassanian coins at Nagri 
(about 11 miles north of Chitor) and to 
them he assigns as the date, the 7th 
century to the commencement of the 
8th century A- D. (Arch. Reports, 
VI, 200, 201). 

(7) Cunningham notices a Pahlava 
prince of Kathiawar in r /20 A. D. He 
says: "About A.D. 720 Krishna, 
the Pahlava prince of the peninsula 
(of Gujarat), built the fort of Eldpur, 
the beauty of which, according to the 
inscription, astonished the immortals. 
In it he established an image of Siva 
adorned with the crescent. Following 
this clue I incline to identify Elapur 
with the famous city of Somndth 
which as the capital of the peninsu- 
la, was usually called Pattan Som- 
nath. According to Postans the old 
city of Pattan is built upon a projec- 
tion of the main land, forming the 
Southern point of the small port 
and bay of Verdval . This name I 
take to be the same as Eldpur or Eld- 
war, which by a transposition f 
which is very common in India, 
would become Erdival" (Ancient 
Geography of India, p. 319.)+ 

As regards the word Pahlava, Prof. 
Weber considered that, it " became 
early foreign to the Persians, learned 
reminiscences excepted ; in the 
Pahlavi texts themselves, for ins- 
tance, it does not occur. The period 

*In B.B.R.A.S. Vol.XII-825, 326, Pandit 
Bha-^wanlal says that ''twenty Gaddia coins 
were so a r ranged by Mr. Codrington in 
a plate as to give the gradual transition 
from the Persian face and fire-altar seen in 
the iormer (Sassanian coins) into the oblong 
button dots and lines on the latter ( Gadhia 
coins ) and which showed pretty plainly that 
the so called Gadhias are a debased imitation 
of the coins of the Sassanian kings of the 
6th and the 7th century A.D." 

fCf Narsingh=Ran-si ; Ranod IS T arod. 
J See also Bom. Gaz. XIII, p. 414. 



26 



when it passed over to the Indians, 
therefore, would have to be fixed for 
about the second * to the fourth 
century A. D ; and we should have 
to understand by it, not directly the 
Persians, who are called Parasikas 
rather, but specially the Arsacidan 
Parthians." (Hist, of Indian Litera- 
ture, p. 187, note 201 a). 

The king Krishna referred to 
above could not be a puccd Zoroas- 
trian. His Hiudu name and the 
fact that he had established an 
image of Siva show that he observed 
a mixed religion. Cunningham has 
not quoted his authority. 

(8) In the Saddar t Nasr or the 
prose Saddar (ch. X-7) we read : 
" When similarly some one in Kash- 
mir or Iranvej or Kande/ or the 
enclosure formed by Jam performs a 
good work, and we are not able to 
perform it with hima-zor, then they 
and we who wear the sacred thread - 
girdle on the waist, are naturally 
connected and equally meritorious, 
one with the other." We notice here 
that about the time the Saddar was 
composed, there was a colony of 
Parsis in Kashmir ; for, it is sug- 
gested that the Kusti is a token, which 
unites Zoroastrians of distant lands. 
Now the date of the Saddar is uncertain 
but we find in the introduction to 
the Saddar-i-Bahar-i-Tavil or the 
long-metre Saddar (A. D. 1605) that 
the prose Sadar was composed by 
three Dasturs named Vardust, Medyo- 
mah, and Syavaksha at the time, of 
the Arab conquest. (S B. E Vol XXIV, 
p. 269, introd p. 37 ; also B. N. 
Dhabhar's Saddar Nasr, introd. 
p.p. 7-8) 

Note: According to Reinaud un- 
der the Arsacidae or Parthian 
dynasty, the Persians took a great 
part in oriental navigation. There 
was a considerable Indian trade 
up the Persian Gulf and by land 

* Second century B. C. would be more 
accurate. 

t Saddar Nazm cr Metrical Sadder was 
written in 1495 A, D. 



to Palmyra ;* and it seems to have 
been under the Parthian influence, 
that the Persians overcame their 
horror of the sea, and rose to be the 
greatest sea-traders of the east. The 
trade connection between the Thana 
coast and the Parthian rulers in the 
Persian Gulf has a special interest at 
this period, as in the latter part of 
the 1st century after Christ, the 
Andhras were driven from Konkan 
and north Deccan by foreigners 
apparently from Northern India, who 
founded the Indo-Parthian dynasty. 

Religion of Persians 
of India. 

Now let us say a few words about 
the religion of the Farsi residents of 
India of olden times. We have seen, 
that the religion of Kanishka and his 
successors was a syncretistic religion, 
it was not orthodox Zoroastrianism. 

The writer of the Bombay Gazet- 
teer remarks, that the history of the 
Parsis, who for a time lost most of 
their peculiarities, shows how easily 
a settlement of Persians may embrace 
Hinduism. Wilford believes, that 
there is a strong Persian element 
in the Konkanastha Brahmans 
and the Marathas. He remarks, that 
there is nothing in the theory or 
practice of Hinduism to prevent 
foreigners, who are willing to conform 
to the Hindu religion and manners, 
being admitted to be Hindus. \ 

Pahlavas Abandon Religion. 

About 150 A. D. the Pah lava chief 
Sivaskanda of Kanchipur ( = Conji- 
veram ), 46 miles south-west of 
Madras, was admitted as a member 
of the sacred clan of the ancient Rishi 

Bharadwaja Under him as their 

leader, a large body of Pahlavas or 
Parthians continued to form a separate 

* Reinaud's Abul-fida, Chap. 11. 

fHeliodorus a Greek ambassador from the 
Greek King Antialcidas adopted the Hindu 
faith and became a worshipper of Vishnu, 
as is seen from the inscription of the Bes- 
nagar column in Gwalior (Rapson's Anc. 
India, pp. 134, 156-7). 



27 



class of Hindus ( Bom. Gaz. XIII, 
Pt. II, pp. 442,445). 

An important story of the king 
Sagara, related in the Vishnu Purana 
(Bk. IV, Sec. 3), and also in the Hari- 
vamsa(773), shows that the Pahlavas 
were compelled to abandon their re- 
ligion. The story runs as under : 

Bahu, the seventh king from 
Harishchandra- was overcome by the 
Haihayas and Talajanghas and 
compelled to fly with his queens to 
the forests, where he died. After his 
death, one of his wives gave birth to 
a son named Sagara. When he grew 
up, he* became vexed at the loss of 
his paternal kingdom and he vowed 
to exterminate the Haihayas, Talajan- 
ghas and others. Accordingly he 
destroyed nearly all the Haihayas. 
As the Sakas, Yavanas, Kambojas, 
Paradas and Pahlavas were about to 
be destroyed, they went to Vasistha 
the family-priest, for surrender. He 
representing them as virtually dead, 
though living, spoke to Sagara thus: 
''You have done enough, my son, by 
pursuing these men, who though 
alive are as good as dead. In order 
that your vow might be fulfilled, I 
have compelled them to abandon 
their own religion and association 
with the twice-born" (rr^f =3 ?r?r[ ^ 



. Agreeing to his guru's propo- 
sal, Sagar compelled these tribes to 
alter their costume 




The Sakas should have half their 
head shorn, the Yavanas and Kam- 
bojas the whole, the Paradas should 

The original Sk. passages in the 
Vishnu Puran and Harivamsa have bean 
quoted in Dr. Muir's Sk. Texts Vol I, pp. 
486-7. 

t So far we have given a literal transla- 
tion from the Vishnu PurSna. 

| This is quoted from Harivamssi. 



wear their hair free and the 
Pahlavas should wear beards." * 

In consequence of the abandon- 
ment of their religion and of their devo- 
tion by the Brahmans, they became 
Mlecchas 

O / ' 

It is clear from the above story, 
that the Pahlavas had abandoned their 
religion. It is supposed, that this 
story has probably a reference to the 
victories of the great SamudraguptaJ 
(A. D. 370-395,) (See Bom. Gaz. 
XIII, pp. 448-9.) 

Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji notices 
the Pdrajiis a class of Kathiawar 
craftsmen, whose name, appearance 
and peculiarities of custom and dress 
seem to point to a Parsi or Parthian 
origin. (Wilford's As. Res. X-90-9J , 
IX, 156, 233. Bom. Gaz. XIII, pp. 
410-14). 

The Pallavas, who began to rule in 
the Deccan in the 2nd century after 
Christ, were identical with the Pahla- 
vas, who fought their way across 
India. They were known as living 
near the Hindu Kush in very early 
times. Like many other foreigners, 
the Pallavas became Hindus and are 
lost in the great mixture of tribes, 
which the name Maratha covers. $ In 
religion the Pallavas were orthodox 
Hindus. Several of their princes 
and rajas were devoted to the wor- 
ship of Vishnu and inclined to the 
cult of Siva. (V. Smiths' Early Hist, 
of India, pp. 348-350. Bom. Gaz. 
XIII, pp. 413-414). 

* Dr. R. Caldwell thinks that what Sa- 
gara is icpresented as commanding the 
different races to do is merely what they 
had been already in the habit of doing. 
(Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV., p. 167). 

t Quoted from Vishnu PurSna. 

\ The King Sagara is referred to in the 
Pali (village in Allahabad) Copper-plate- 
Grant of Maharaja Lakshmana dated 158 of 
the Gupta Samrat (Epigraphia Jndica II, p. 
365.) 

Their capital was Kinchi (=Conjeeva- 
ram). Rapson's Anc. India, p. 167. 

$ Fleets' Kanarese dynasties, 14-15, 



28 



CHAPTER NO. 5. 

Bhavishya Purana about 
Magas. 

The Bhavishya Purana deals with 
the religion, customs and practices of 
a tribe, known as the Magas or the 
so-called Magian priests of India. Jt 
is- argued that as these Magas ate in 
silence, worshipped the sun at the 
three Sundhyas, allowed their beards 
to grow, and were prohibited from 
touching the dead, they were the 
Zoroastrian Magi. 

It is not difficult to show, that all 
these customs were enjoined by the 
Hindu religion also. The Hindus 
were commanded to eat in silence as 
we see in the Vishnu Dharma Sutra 
(XII-19; S.B.E. XIV. p. 61). They 
had to worship the sun three 
times in the morning, evening and 
day-time, as we read in Baudhyayana 
Dharma Sutra (II-4-7) and Kaushi- 
taki Upanishada.* (S.B.E. I., p. 285 ; 
see also Bhavi. Pur., Brahma Purva 
165-3). Among tbem also the dead 
body was not to be touched. For 
example, in Garuda Purana Saro- 
dhara (IX-40) we read : 



1^*4 

"The motionless, dead body, left by 
the vital breath, becomes detestable 
and unfit to touch, it soon becomes foul 
smelled and disliked by all." More- 
over, those, who came into contact 
with the dead body, had to observe 
certain rules. (Vishnu Smriti XXII- 
63, 64, Gautama XIV &c.) 

Dr. Wilson has noted several 
peculiarities in the customs of the 
Magas namely that they wore 
aviang or thread girdle, used 
Varma (that is Bursam), f and 
while worshipping held Poornaka \ in 
one hand and Sankha in another. 

* Also Kaushitaki-Brahmana-Upanishda 
II-T quoted in Bhandarkar's Vaishnavism 
&c. P. 151. 

f Barsum was held in the hand by the 
Magi, when saying prayers Cf. Bulsara's 
Nirangistan, p. 351 and Strabo. 

\ A kind of tree. 



We shall discuss hereafter in ano- 
ther place the customs and practices 
of the Magas, from which we shall 
be able to arrive at a definite conclu- 
sion. We shall see from a literal 
translation of several chapters of the 
Bhavishya Purana, that the Magas 
observed a religion, which was a 
mixture of Hinduism and Zoroastria- 



nism. 



Magas 



and Worship of 
Magha 



In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 1890 (p. 43 1), Mr. Hewitt 
observes : " It is in the country of 
Magadha and throughout Eastern 
India, that the worship of the Great 
Mother, the Mother Earth, is most 
prevalent at the present day, that 
it was in the Kalinga country 
that the custom of human sacrifice 
called the Meriah, lasted longest, 
and that it was these sacrifices, which 
were originally offered by the Magas 
to their mother goddess Magha. " * 
(Bom. Gaz. Vol XIII, pp. 413-414.) 

Thus the Magas seem to be the 
worshippers of the Hindu goddess 
Magha. 

Magas admitted into 
Brahmanism. 

The writer of the Bombay Gazet- 
teer thinks, that the Magas were 
foreigners, who were admitted into 
Brahmanism. Two established ins- 
tances of outsiders being admitted to 
be Brahmans are the priests of the 
Bahikas, (apparently the Sakas of the 
second and first century before 
Christ), and the priests of the 
Mihiras in the fifth and sixth cen- 
tury after Christ. The priests of the 
Mihiras were, according to the Raj- 
tarangini, under the special favour 
of the White Huna conqueror Mihi- 
rakula (A.D. 480-530. Troyor's Tr. 
1-307-309). They obtained re- 
cognition as Brahmans, and 
still under the name Magha Brah- 
mans form one of the leading priest- 

* Probably Kali. 



29 



ly classes of South Marwar. Many 
of these Magas* are Shevaks or 
family priests to Oswal and other 
Marwar Shravaks. They are acquaint- 
ed with the story of their origin 
in the Bhavishya Purana. Marriage 
with local women has blotted out 

the special characteristics of most 

In India the Maghas started either 
the worship of a combination of the 
Sun and of Siva under the name 
Mihirehhwar, or a simpler sun 
worship, as at Multan, Dwarka and 
Somanatha (Bom. Gaz. IX, 439-440), 

Weber's Opinion about 
Magas. 

Prof. Weber's opinion about the 
Magas is as under : 

'' The period during which the 
Grecian successors of Alexander and 
after them the Indo-Scythians reigned 
in North-VVestern India had not only- 
procured admission for Hellinic and 
in later times for Christian concep- 
tions, but had also directed towards 
India the followers of the Iranian 
cult of Mithra, and curiously enough 
had there introduced their sun wor- 
ship in connection with the worship 
of Krishna. The name of these 
priests, Maga, was transferred in later 
times also to the adherents of the 
teaching of Zarathushtra, when in 
order to escape Islamic persecution, 
they similarly settled in Western- 
India. These latter coming in 
great numbers, founded independent 
communities and colonies, and still 
flourish vigorously under the name of 
Parsees. While on the other hand the 



* The Gehlots an:l other Rajputs who 
trace their origin to the Balas or Valas of 
Valabhi are Mihiras and therefore Gurjjaras, 
since Mihira is a respectful name for Gurj- 
jara. In the Punjab the Gurjjar title of 
honour is Mihir or Mahar (Bombay. Gaz. 
XIII, p. 419). The Maghas or Mihiras 
occur in Multan, Dwarka, Marwar and 
Kashmir. To explain the admission of 
these strangers, tales were invented. Ac- 
cording to Bhavishya Puraua. Gauramukha 
advised that Maghas should be brought 
from Szfckadwipa as priests. According to 
the Multan legend, they were brought by 
the eagle Garuda(Bom. Gaz. IX, 430-440.) 



Magas seem to have visited the country 
as missionaries only, and were partly 
adopted, probably together with 
some members of the other stratum 
of the Iranian immigrants, into the 
ranks of the Brahmans themselves 
under the name of Sakadvipiya 
Brahmans." (Weber's History of 
Religion in India translated by G. A. 
G.; Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXX, 
p. 28]). 

In another place the same scholar 
says: "The Magas go back to an 
old mission of the Mithra cult, the 
members of which, after their arrival 
in India, (about the first two centu- 
ries A. D.) were incorporated into 
the Brahman caste." (see Weber's 
paper on the Mugavyakti in the 
Monatsberichte 1879 pp. 458, 466, 
also paper on the Magas or Sakadvi- 
puja Brahmans in the Monatsberichte 
1880. Indian Antiquary XII., p. 162). 

We think, that when Prof. Weber 
identifies the Magas with the ances- 
tors of the Pars>is, he probably 
follows the opinion of Dr. Wilson. 
The Magas appear to be the mem- 
bers of the Mithra cult, who observ- 
ed a religion which was partly 
Zoroastrian and partly Hindu, and 
who were subsequently merged into 
the Brahman caste. 

SirRamkrishnaBhandarkar says: 
"The Magas. ..were gradually tho- 
roughly Hiduised, until they 
became undistinguishable from the 
other Hindus." (Vaishnavism, Shai- 
vism &c. p. 155). If so, they could 
hardly have been our ancestors, who 
landed at Sanjan. 

Sakas Merged Into 
Hinduism. 

Having seen the religious condition 
of the Pahlavas and the Magas, let 
us say a word about that of the Sakas, 
whom Dr. Spooner identifies with 
the Iranians. They also merged into 
the lowest dregs of Hindu society. 
This is proved by the story of Sagara 
already referred to above. That a 
large number of the defeated Sakas 
became Chandals is proved by the 



30 



fact, that one of the low dialects or 
vibhashds is called either Sdkari or 
Chdnddlikd. (Bom. Gaz. Vol. XIII, 
p. 454.) 

The list of the tribes of the 
degraded Kshatriyas mentioned in 
Manu Smriti (X, 43, 44; includes 
Pahlavas, Sakus and Yavanas.* Some 
Puranic lists also include the Sakas 
and Yavanas. (Idem p. 447). 

The fact that these tribes were 
regarded as degraded, shows that they 
were foreign tribes who had embraced 
Hinduism. 

It is fully established, that the 
Khatris of Sindh and Multan are 
strangers, either of Saka or of Huna 
origin. (Idem, p. 453). ''In the Da- 
khan, Gautamiputra about A.D. 150, 
in Malwa Sagara about A.D. 400, in 
the North-West Provinces Chandra- 
gupta in. A.D. 396-415, in the South 
Panjab Yasodharman about A.D. 530, 
and Sri Harsha in Central India and 
the North-West Provinces between 
A.D. 607 and 617, all gained credit 
from overthrowing, either invading or 
settled northerners such as Pahlavas, 
Sakas, Yavanas, White Hunas, and 
Turks and preventing or putting a 
stop to the confusion of caste." (Idem, 
pp. 453, 454, 458). 

From all the proofs given above, 
we see that the Pahlvas, Sakas, and 
Magas were incorporated into the 
Hindu society long before the Arab 
conquest of Iran. 



Tcfl": 

" These Kshatriya tribes gradually be- 
came corrupt (or degraded), because they 
amitted sacrifices and opposed the (sayings 
of) Brahmans." Then the writer mentions 
the tribes in the next verse. 



CHAPTER No. 6. 

Kisseh-i-Sanjan and King 
Jatii Rana. 

From some traditional accounts and 
a few reliable notices it appears that 
after the downfall of the Sassanian 
Monarchy several bands of Parsis, 
who were greatly oppressed by the 
Arab conquerors,* left their mother- 
country and came to India. The 
date when they first landed and the 
place where they first put up are 
controversial matters. 



*In his Paper on "Parsis and Early Islam," 
Mr. G. K. Nariman shows from Arabic 
books, specially Bilazori (pp. 64-6?, 71, 78, 
80, 200,) that " the Parsis are in India not 
because their ancestors fled from savage 
Arabs for the sake of their religion dearer 
than life," but because they were pursued 

with cruel bigotry on the part of those 

Zoroastrians, Ivho were constantly growing 
into a large majority and who had more or 
less voluntarily renounced the faith of their 
fathers to embrace Islam." Mr. Nariman 
quotes Paul Horn as under : ' With force 
at first the Zoroastrians were not proselytis- 
ed. Rather were they accounted on a level 
with Jews and Christians, who, as the Koran 
lays down were the recipients of a scripture 
( Ahl Kitab) and therefore by the paymeut 
of a poll-tax could continue in their religion. 
It was bnly in later times that Zoroastrians 
were declared unbearable. Finally under 
the intolerable oppression of their own 
people, who persecuted them with the real 
fanaticism of fresh converts, they emigrated 
to India." See Praja Mitra & Par si dated 
27-2-1918, also 16-8-1919). For refer- 
ences to Arab and other writings, see Mr. 
Nariman's article on " Parsi Immigration" 
in the Times of India, dated 7-2-1920. 

Dr. J. J. Modi does not agree with Mr. 
Nariman, to whom he gives his reply in 
the Times of India dated 12-2-1920. Dr. 
Modi quotes Pahlavi writers. He says 
that in one MS. of the Bundehesh, there is 
a clear reference to the intolerance of the 
Arabs. It runs thus : " And when the 

sovereignty came to Yazdagard then the 

Arabs rushed into the country of Iran in 

great multitude The country of Iran 

remained with the Arabs and their own 
irreligiou? law was propagated by them; 
the religion of the Mazdayasnians was 

weakened From the original creation 

until this day evil more grievous than this 
has not happened ; for, through their evil 
deeds on account of want, foreign habits, 
hostile acts, bad decrees and bad religion 
ruin, want and other evils have taken 



31 



According to the account of the 
Kisseh-i-Sanjan, about 115 years 
after the overthrow of the Sassanian 
dynasty, a number of Zoroastrians 
came to India and landed at Div 
off the coast of Kathiawar. Hav- 
ing stayed there for 16 years, 
they went to Sanjan. If we take the 
battle of Nahavend (A. D. 641) to 
have decided the fate cf the Persian 
empire, it would appear that the 
Zoroastrians landed at Sanjan in 
A. D. 775. Some scholars, taking 
A. D. 651 (when th^ King Yazdagard 
was killed) as the starting point, 
arrive at the date A. D. 785. But 
as Sir James Campbell observes, the 
accepted date among the Parsis for 
the settlement at Sanjan is the Yaz- 
dagard i year 85, A. D. 716, given 
on the authority of Dastur Aspandiarji 
Kamdinji of Broach in his book 
named " i&H cU<Vt MURflSUKl 
i^." published in 1S26 (p. 149). 
Ervad Maneckji R. Unwalla has 
got a MS. about 150 years old, which 
gives the following note: <( y'<Hct 



5ft 



5ft 



5ft 



lodgment." Dr. Modi also quotes refer- 
ences from the Epistles of Manuscheher, 
Pahlavi Jamaspi, and Dinkard Bk. VII. 
Chap. 8, which contain vague references. 
Firdusi (A.D. 10th century) in his account 
of the reign of Yazdagard, speaks of the 
Arab rule as " hell from the midst of 
heaven." Yazdagard in his letter to the 
governor of Tus, says: "The fires in the 
fire- temples have been extinguished. The 
religious festivals of Naoroz and Sadeh 
have been darkened." 

We read in the French historian R. 
Dozy's " Spanish Islam " (tr. by Stokes, p. 
18), as under: "After the capture of 
Mecca, the remaining pagan tribes soon 
found further resistance useless, and the 
threat of a war of extermination induced 
them to embrace Islamism ...... with the 

Koran in one hand and a sword in the 
other." 

M. Cl. Huart in his "Histoire des Arab" 
says : " They (the Khalifs) made life so 
troublesome, so intolerable to the non- 
Musulmans that they converted themselves 
formerly in large numbers to the new 
religion. There remained only few Jews, 
Christians and Mazdians (Zoroastrians) in 
the cities. The population in the country 
became all, and very rapidly. Musalmans, 
except in the mountainous cantons." 



It will be seen that the above 
memorandum gives a slightly different 
account from that of the Kisseh- i- 
Sanjan. The date is 716 A. D., and 
not 775 or 785 A. D. ; besides there 
is no reference to the landing at 
Div. The reason for this difference 
in the accounts may be, as suggested 
by Wilford, that the history of at least 
two bands of refugees has been 
mixed up. Such discrepancies, 
coupled with other circumstances, 
have led some scholars to challenge 
every detail of the Kisseh-i- Sanjan. 
On the other hand there are scholars 
who would put blind faith in each 
and every particular given in the 
Kisseh. The middle course has not 
been adopted. The Kisseh has its 
value, which must not be overrated 
nor under- estimated. 

In our opinion the Kisseh-i-Sanjan 
does not claim to be a historical docu- 
ment correct in every detail. It 
roughly lays down certain facts, which 
should be carefully weighed, and the 
crust should be separated from the 
kernel in the light of the few his- 
torical reminiscences, which have 
remained down to our own times. At 
the same time it must be acknow- 
ledged, that it records some genuine 
traditions, which we cannot dis- 
believe; for instance, the tradition 
about the king Jadi Rana, and the 
first Parsi refugees explaining their 
religion and customs could hardly 
have been a fabrication of later times. 
Nevertheless it would be readily 
admitted, that accretions and addi- 
tions must have grown round the 
original tradition in course of time. 

The late Mr K. R. Kama was the 
first to point out that the Hindu date 
did not coincide with the Parsi roj, 
mah and year. To explain the di- 
fficulty it was suggested by Mr. Kama 
and subsequently -by our learned 
friend Prof. S. H. Hodivala, that 



the Samvat figure 772 should be 
read 992. This is possible,* but 
what shall we say about the Yazda- 
gardi year, which would not coincide 
with Samvat 992 ? 

As is seen in the three Pahlavi 
inscriptions at Kanheri, it was the 
practice of the ancient Parsis to 
mention the roz, mah and the Yazda- 
gardi year, f In the Pahlavi Texts 
written by Dinpanah Itarpat Din- 
panah, the date is given in roj, mah 
and Yazdagardi year, namely 324, 
as is supposed by a majority of 
scholars. 

The practice of mentioning Vikram 
Samvat is first traced in the Sanskrit 
Ashirwards ; since in the oldest MS. 
in the library of the late Dastur 
Jamaspji Minocheherii, the date is 
given as W*Kg =3$J&Rffi3 (Samvat 
1400). In the Parsi year 692 the well- 
known copyist Meherban Kaikhusru 
records roj, mah and Parsi year only in 
the Pahlavi colophon. The MS. con- 
tains also the Hindu date in Sanskrit, 
but that is clearly a later interpolation. 
We are therefore of opinion that 
originally it was usual with the Parsi 
writers to mention roj, mah and Yaz- 
dagardi year only. 

In the early and western Chalukya 
periods, the Shaka era was used 
throughout in Western India. Dr. 
J. F. Fleet points out in his book 
" Dynasties of the Kanarese Dis- 
tricts," t that " the records that have 
survived of the important and power- 
ful dynasty of the Chalukyas are 
carefully dated in almost every 
instance in the well-known Shaka 
era. " In another place the same 
scholar says : " Though the West- 
ern Chalukya kings of the main line 
of Badami used the Saka era, the 
local era of the country extending 
from probably the Damanganga on 
the south to the Mahi on the north 

* There were two figures in use to denote 
the number nine (B. B. R. A. S. XII, 331.) 

f (See Dr. E. W. West's Paper, Indian 
Antiquary IX, 265 ff), 

t p. 17, 23-30. 



was the Kalachuri era, * which we 
meet with in records of the seventh 
and eighth centuries, not only in the 
Gurjara territory in the northern part 
of the stretch of the country, but 
even the Lata province of the Chalu- 
kyas in the Southern part of ii " 
(Bom. Gaz. I pt II, p. 295) 

In numerous grants of Kathiawar 
and Gujarat we come across the 
Valabhi Samvat (which began in 
319 A. D.), or the Chedi Samvat 
(which began in 249 A. D.) or Saka 
Samwat. (See Prakrit and Sanskrit 
inscriptions collected by the Bhavna- 
gar State, pp. 30-67, Antiquary XIII, 
P- 77). 

Even Prof. Hodivala has seen the 
difficulty. He therefore says : 
" It may be said, that the Shaka 
era was used throughout the Western 
Coast, and that all the Silhara dates 
are in that era. How then could 
the Vikram Samvat have been 
employed by these Parsis ? The 
answer is easy. These Zoroastrians 
came to Sanjan from Div in Kathya- 
war, and it was there, they had 
become first acquainted with the 
Hindu system of reckoning time. It 
is well known to scholars that the 
Hindu era generally in use in Kattya- 
war and Gujarat during these cen- 
turies was the Vikram and not the 
Shaka Samvat. All the Chavda, 
Chalukya and Vaghela dates of 
Gujarat province are in the Vikram 
era, and the numerous inscriptions 
also of that period mentioned in 
the Kattyawar Gazetteer are almost 
all in the Vikram era." 

Prof. Hodivala has mentioned 
eleven dates, which are found in 
different inscriptions, but all of them 
are later than Vikram Samvat 772. f 

*Same as Chedi era which begins in 249 
A.D.(Bom. Gaz. I. pt. II, pp. 364, 293, 295). 

f A plate of the king Jwikadeva, who 
is styled the adhipati of the Satirashtra 
Mandal bears the, date Vikram Samvat 714. 
But this inscription is not genuine. (Bom. 
Gaz. VIII, 275). Dr. BhagvSnlal believes the 
plate to be a forgery of the eleventh century. 
He gives the Vikram Samvat 794, and nos 
714 (Bom. Gaz. I., Pt. I, p. 137). 



In the time of the Chavda kings, 
the earliest Vikram date, which is 
of any applicability, is 752, when the 
Chavda king Jayashekhara of Pun- 
chasar was attacked by the Chalukya 
king. But this date is given on the 
authority of the author of Ratnamala 
a poetic history (1230 A. D.), and 
was probably a matter of calculation. 
(Bom. Gaz I, Pt I, p. 150, and 149 
note). It has been pointed out by 
Pandit N. Bhashyacharya that "no 
inscription before the llth century 
A. D. adopted the Samvat (Vikrama- 
ditya) era." (Age of Sri Sankaracharya 
p. 8). Herein he follows Dr. Bhau 
Daji (B. B. R. A. S. VIII , p 242). 

But we do not wish to press this 
point further. It is enough to say 
that there are a few historical 
notices, * and copper-plate inscrip 
tions of the Chalukya king Vijaya- 
ditya which show that the Parsi 
refugees could not have come as late 
as A.D. 936. 

In Ousley's Oriental Geography of 
Ebn Haukal (A.D. 902-968) it is 
stated that some parts of Hind f and 
Sind belonged to the Guebres. No 
doubt as Elliot says, the word Guebre 
meant a non-Mussalman generally and 
a Zoroastrian specially. Therefore 
this proof may be regarded as doubt- 
ful. But the authority of another 
writer, Masudi (A.D 916) is more re- 
liable. He noticed that in his time 
there were many fire-temples in Sindh 
and India J (Misaar-bin-Mahalhil, 
Elliot's Hist, of India 1-97. Bom. 
Gaz. IX pt II, 185 ff). It is clear at 
least from Massudi's notes that the 
Parsis must have been in India before 
A.D. 936. 

* We shall see hereafter that according to 
the Arab traveller Missar bin Mukhalih*! 
there were fire-temples in Cheul in A. D. 
950, which date is given as A. D. 942 
in Bom. Gaz. I Pt I, pp. 216-217. Now 
if the Parsis came in A. D. 936, we could 
hardly expect fire-temples within such a brief 
period as 14 years. 

t Gujarat (Bom. Gaz. I., pt. I., p. 511). 
Haukal finished his work in A.D. 916 (Idem, 
p. 507). 

\ Prairies d'Or IV-86. Bom. Gaz. Popula- 
tion p. 186. 



Was Sanjan Known to 
Masudi or Not ? 

In this connection we are obliged 
to notice a remark of Prof. Hodivala, 
in his paper on " Jadi Rana and the 
Kisseh i-Sanjan" where he says: 
"There is, no doubt, notwithstand- 
ing the mention of a Sindan by the 
Arab geographers of the ninth cen- 
tury, that the Konkan Sanjan first 
came into existence only in the 
tenth century, and that its prosperity 
dated from the incoming of the 
Parsis and other foreigners. The 
writer of the chapter on the Arab 
References in the Bombay Gazetteer 
History of Gujarat has seen this very 
clearly and pointed out, that the ear- 
lier references of Biladuri S92 A.C., 
Ibn Khordadbih 912 A. C, and Ma- 
sudi 915 A.C. are all about the Kacch 
Sindan (Bom. Gaz I, pt I, pp. 520-1). 
There can be no doubt, that the 
Konkan Sanjan was originally a 
colony founded by the Zoroastrian re- 
fugees, who gave it its name after 
Sanjan, a town in the Khwaf district 
of Kohistan." 

Now the abovesaid Bombay 
Gazetteer writer says on p. 514: 
"Al-Vlasudi (A.D. 915) in speak- 
ing of the ebb and flow of the 
ocean mentions Kambaya. He 
notices that Kambaya was famous in 
Baghdad, as it still is famous in Gu- 
jarat for its shoes. These shoes, he 
says, were made in Kambaya and the 
towns about it like Sindan * (Sanjan 
in Ihana and Sufarah (Supara)." 

If this identification is correct, it 
shows that Sanjan in Thana (in the 
Konkan) was known to Masudi in A. 
D. 915 and that therefore it was 
colonised by the Parsis before that 
date. 

Place Where Parsis 
First Landed. 

Now we shall take up the ques- 
tion: "What was the place where the 
Parsi refugees first landed" ? We saw 

* Dr. J. J. Modi takes it to be the other 
Sanjan. (See Asiatic Papers, p. 205). 



that according to the Kisseh-i-Sanjan 
they first landed at Div. According 
to the Gujarati memorandum the 
new comers from Khorasan landed 
at Sanjan. There is a third account 
of almost the same date as when the 
Kisseh-i-Sanjan was written. Rev. 
Henry Lord, who was at Surat in 
1621 A. D. * wrote a book, named 
" the Discovery of the Banyans and 
the Parsees, " in which he has given 
an account of the exodus, as he had 
heard from an Andhiaru friend of 
his. In the introductory Chapter 
Lord says : " I observed in the 
town of Surat, the place where I 
resided, another sect called the Per- 

sees I thought it would not be 

unworthy of my labour to bring to the 
eyes of my countrymen this (Persee) 
religion also, especially since I never 
read of any, that had fully published 
the same; but that it has re- 
mained obscure and hid 
from common knowledge. For this 
cause, desirous to add anything to 

the ingenious I joined myself with 

one of their churchmen called their 
Ddrw and by the interpretation of a 
Persee, whose long employment in 
the company's service had brought 
him to a mediocrity in the English 
tongue, and whose familiarity with 
me, inclined him to further my 
inquiry." Further on in Chapter I 
we read : " About 996 years elapsed, 
one Yesdegerd was native king of 

Persee What time the Arabian 

captains of the sect of Mehomet 
made invasion into his country, about 

the 19th year of his reign he was 

forced to fly to Karason, where he 
died suddenly in the 20th year of 
his reign 

"The Mehometans upon the death 
of Yesdegerd carried all in conquest 
before them, and subjected the 
natives of the country as vassals into 
them, and as new lords bring in new 
laws, they contented not themselves 
to bring them to their form of govern- 
ment in state subjection, but also in 



*A. D. 1620 according to the writer 
of the Bombay Gazetteer IX Pt. II, p. 190. 



matters of religion, to live according 
to the Mehometan custom, contrary 
to the form of their own religion 
and worship. 

" These Persees not enduring to 
live contrary to the prescript of their 
own law and less able to reject their 
yoke, many of them by privy escape 
and as close conveyance as thev 
might of their goods and substance, 
determined a voyage for the Indies, 
purposing to prove the mildness of the 
Banian Rajahs; if there, though they 
lived in subjection for matter of Go- 
vernment, they might obtain liberty 
of conscience in course of religion. 

"So repairing to Jasques, a place 
in the Persian gulf, they obtained a 
fleet of seven junks to convey them 
and theirs, as merchantmen bound 
for the shores of India, in course of 
trade and merchandise. 

"It happened that in safety they 
made to the land of St. Johns on the 
shores of India, and arrived together 
at or near the port of Swaley,* the 
usual receptacle of such ships as 
arrive. Treaty was made by some of 
them with a Rajah living at Nuncery\ 
(Nowsari), publishing their grievances 
and the cause of their coming 
thither, as also their suit to be ad- 
mitted as sojourners with them, 
using their own law and religion, but 
yielding themselves in subjection to 
their government ; upon payment of 
homage and tribute, they were admitted 
to land^ the passengers contained in 
five of their junks. 

"The other two junks remaining 
one of them (stc) put into the road 
of Swaley and treated with a Rajah, 
that then ruled at Baryaw near unto 
Surat, who entertained them on like 
conditions to the former, but the 
Rajah of that place having wars with 
a neighbouring Rajah, who got the 
conquest, the Persees that resided 

* Perhaps Sumali, an old sea-port in 
Surat (Bom. Gaz. II, p. 332). 

f Sir Streynsham Master says in a letter 
that the town Nausarree was called Nun- 
saree by the English (Quoted from Dr. J. J. 
Modi's Asiatic Tapers Part II, p. 30). 



35 



with the conquered, were all put to 
the sword as adherents to the enemy. 

"The last junk coasted along the 
shores, and arrived at Cambaya where 
they were received upon the 
prementioned conditions, so that 
however this people have been dis- 
persed in India since their arrival, it 
has been from some of these places." 

The above account is important in 
more ways than one. Although it 
does not give any dates, it confirms 
the statement of the Gujarati memo- 
randum that the refugees first landed 
at Sanjan. It does not mention Div. 
But the very valuable information it 
giver is this, that some of the Parsis 
made a treaty with a Rajah living at 
Nowsari, and upon payment of homage 
and tribute* the passengers were allowed 
to land ; for, as we shall see later 
on, the Parsis were "made to pay 
tribute" during the reign of the 
Chalukya kingr Vinayaditya when 
his son Vijayaditya was a Yuva- 
raja or prince-regent. In this 
account we have also an allusion to 
the battle of Variav, but to our regret 
we find, that Lord's informant has 
made a sort of confusion by making 
its time coincide with the date of 
our ancestors' first arrival in India, 
although the said battle took place 
several centuries afterwards. 

We have two other accounts of 
almost the same generation as that of 
the writer of the Kisseh-i-Sanjan. Sir 
T. Herbert a well-known traveller 
and author who had come to India in 
A. D. 1626 said : "Into India these 
Persees came in five junks from 
Jasquez, sailing to Surat, when after 
treaty with the Rajeats and Bannyans 
they got leave to plant." 

Nicolao Manucci, a Venetian 
traveller wrote in A. D. 1656 : 
"When first the Mahomedan religion 
got into Persia, the king tried to force 
them ( the Parsis ) to become 
Mahomedans. For this reason, they 

* The Kisseh-i-Sanjan states that the 
Dastur went to the king with a hadiah 
(present), 



sent an embassy to the Hindu prince 
of Surat, asking him to grant them 
permission to emigrate into that 
country with their families." 

This last account is important, as 
showing that it was a Hindu prince 
who received the embassy. From the 
different accounts given above it will 
be seen that the place of the first 
landing is uncertain. One thing how- 
ever seems almost certain, that the 
first permanent colony established by 
the Parsis was at Sanjan in (Konkan) 
as stated in the Kisseh. Sindan has 
been mentioned by several Arab 
writers but unfortunately we have no 
reference to it before the 9th century 
A. D.* Neither do we come across 
Hanjamana (or Sanjana) t in Sanskrit 
inscriptions of a date earlier than the 
llth century A. D. 

Political Condition of 

Western India in Tth'Sth 

Century. 

Let us now consider the political 
condition of the Western coast of 
India on or about the traditional date 
(A. D. 716), when the Parsis are 
supposed to have first arrived at 
Sanjan. From a number of reliable 
sources, C. Mabel Duff has written 
a book, containing events in chrono- 
logical order. Some of the events of 
time in question are given below : 

A. D. 636 Usman ibn Asi Saqafi, 
Governor of Bahrain and Uman under 
the Khalif Umar appoints his brother 
Hakim to Bahrain, and proceeding 
himself to Uman sends an expedition 
to pillage the coasts of India. About 
the same time Hakim sends a force 
against Bharoch and dispatches his 
brother Mughirah Abul-Asi to Dibal,} 
where he defeats enemy. (Bom. Gaz. 
I, pt. I, pp. 505-6). 

A. D. 704 Jayabhata IV, 
latest known Gurjara of Bharoch. 

* See Bom. Gaz' I. pt. I, pp. 514, 6?0. 
t See Indian Antiquary V-278, IX-35-44. 
j Karachi or Thatta (Bom. Gaz. I. Pt. I, 
p. 508). 

Properly Jayabhata III. 



36 



The invasion of Gujarat by the 
Tajikas or Arabs seems to have 
occurred in his reign. It is men- 
tioned in the grant of the Gujarat 
Chalukya Pulikesi(A. D 738), which 
states that Sindh, Kachh, Kathiawad 
and the whole of Gujarat as far as 
Navsari were subdued and the 
Gurjara king was one of the conquer- 
red princes. (Idem, p. 117) 

A. D. 711 Hajjaj, Governor of 
Iraq, sends Muhammad Imadud- 
Din ibn Qasim to invade Sindh. 

A. D. *Jl2 Campaign of Muham- 
mad Ibn Qasim in Sindh. Fall of 
Dibal. 

A. D. 724 Junaid ibn Abdur 
Rahman al Murri...sent expeditions 
against Bharoch, Ujain and other 
places. (Idem, p. 506). 

A. D. 739 The Tajikas or Arabs 
having over-run Sindh, Kachh, 
Saurashtra, Chavotaka, the Maurye 
and Gurjara kingdoms seem to have 
invaded the Navsari district and to 
have been defeated by Pulikesi. 

A. D. 776 The Khalifah Al- 
Mahdi sends an army to India under 
Abdul ibn Shihabul-Masammai. 
The town of Barada is captured. 
A number of the troops perish 
through sickness, the remainder 
being wrecked on their return off 
the Persian coast. 

It will be seen from the above 
chronicle, that there was a long 
interval of 68 years between the 
first and second Arab raids, and 
consequently it might be contended, 
with some force, that the more 
favourable time for the arrival of the 
Parsi fugitives must be before A. D. 
704. Indeed that was the case, because 
the Parsis " were made to pay 
tribute " by the western Chalukya 
king Vinayaditya (A. D. 680696-7) 
according to three Sanskrit inscrip- 
tions, which we shall examine here- 
after. But the fact that times were 
more favourable before A. D. 704 
does not preclude the possibility of 
some bands of refugees having come 
later on, after that date. Besides 



we must remember that the Arab 
raids extended as far as Nowsari 
only twice, namely in A. D. 704 and 
739, and in the latter year the 
enemies were severely beaten, as we 
learn from the Nowsari grant of the 
Chalukya king Vikramaditya II. 
(Bom. Gaz. I, pt. II, p. 375) 

History of Gujarat and Ka- 

thiawar Important to 

Identify Jadi Rana. 

Keeping the traditional date in 
view, we shall have to discuss the 
then history of the rulers of Gujarat 
and Kathiawar to ascertain whether 
there is any allusion to the Parsis in 
their numerous grants and to see, if 
we can identify the king Jai or Jadi- 
Rana. We propose to give short 
historical notes about the following 
dynasties: (1) The Western Chalu- 
kya kings, who were the supreme 
rulers of Southern Gujarat and Kon- 
kan and whose capital was at Vatapi* 
or Badami in the Bijapur district ; 

(2) the Gurjara kings, who were 
feudatories of the Western Chalufeyas 
and whose capital was at Broach ; and 

(3) a minor branch of the Chalukyas, 
who were also feudatories of the main 
branch, with their capital at Nowsari. 
But before we proceed, let us say a 
word about the various attempts to 
identify the king Jadi Rana. 

Supposed Identification of 
Jai or Jadi Rana. 

Dr. Wilson thought, that the name 
of the king was a corruption of the 
Hindu name Jayadeva, otherwise 
known as Vanraj Chavdi of Anhil- 
wad PiUtan, who reigned from 745 
to 806 A.D.f (B.B.R.A.S. I, p. 175; 
Ind. Ant. I, L'14). Sir James Camp- 
bell took him to be some " Yadava 
chief of South Gujarat." (Bom. 

*In much later times Somesvara II. (A. 
D. 1068 to 1075) and his successors made 
KalySna their capital (Fleet's Dynasties of 
Kanarese districts, p. 4, 48, 62). 

fThe writer of the Bombay Gazetteer 
gives the dates A.D. 765 to 780, (Bom. 
Gaz. I, Pt. I, pp. 152, 155). 



37 



Gaz. XIII, Pt. I, p. 249). Dr. J. 
J. Modi thought, that he was some 
local ruler of Sanjan. Prof. Hodivala, 
reading the Samvat date of immigra- 
tion as y92(=936 A.D.) identified the 
king with Vajjada devaof the Shilhara 
dynasty of Northern Konkan who 
became king in 9:35 A.D. (J.B.B.R.A.S 
XXIII, p. 358). It will be seen, 
that all these gentlemen have based 
their identifications upon their con- 
clusions regarding the date of our 
ancestors' first arrival in India, and 
we could hardly be expected to de- 
part from these lines. Adopting the 
traditional date as the basis, we have 
proceeded with the inquiry, and 
arrived at certain conclusions, which 
are given below. 

Western Chalukyas. 

We take up the history of the 
Western Chalukyas. Kirtivarma I, 
left three sons, Pulikesi II, Vishnu- 
vardhan I, and Jayasimha II. There 
\ras a formal division of the kingdom 
between the two elder brothers 
Pulikesi* taking the western domi- 
nions and establishing himself at Va- 
tapi or Badami, and Vishnuvardhan 
taking the eastern dominions and 
establishing himself at Vengi Country 
between the rivers Krishna and 
Godaveri. 

Pulikesi II (610 to 642 A. D.) was 
the most powerful and illustrious of 
the early kings of his dynasty. His 
conquests were numerous and widely 
spread, and included the Rashtraku- 
tas, the Kadambas of Vanavasi, the 
Gangas, the Alupas, the Mauryas 



of Konkan, the Latas, the Malavas, 
the Gurjaras, the three countries 
known by the name of Maharashtra, 
the Kosalas, the Kalingas, the 
Pah.Iavas of Kanchi, the Cholas, the 
Keralas and the Pandyas. 

As we have already stated 
Mr. Fergusson has shown ihat 
there is an Arabic Chronicle, which 
records the fact, that in the 35th 
year of the reign of Khusru II (A.D. 
626) presents and letters were inter- 
changed between him and Pulikesi 
II. A painting in one of the Ajanta 
caves depicts the presentation of a 
letter from the Persian king to Puli- 
kesi (J. R. A. S. XI, p. 155). This 
shows that the Sassanians were on 
friendly terms with the Chalukyas 
and it is but natural that seventy 
years later on, when they were hard 
pressed by the Arabs, they should 
have turned their eyes to their Hindu 
friends. 

After the death of Pulikesi II the 
kingdom of the Western Chalukyas 
appears to have been invaded by the 
Pallavas, who succeeded in driving 
them for a time on the west, back 
to and below the Western Ghauts and 
on the South to the Karnul district. 
In this the Pallavas appear to 
have been aided by a confederacy 
of the Chola, Pandya and Kerala 
kings. (Fleet's Dynasties of Kanarese 
Districts, pp. 23-26). 

After Pulikesi came his son 
Vikramaditya, who ruled from 655 to 
680-81 A. D. He was succeeded 
by his son Vinayaditya, who ruled 



* The geneological tree of Pulakesi's family is given below : 



Pulakesi II. (610-642 A.D.) 



Vikrama-ditya I. (655-681 A.D.) 
\ inaya-ditya (681-696 A.D.) 
VijaySditya (696-733 A.D.) 


Jayasi 
(671 


mhavarman 
-692 A.D.) 




1 
ShrySshraya (Yuvaraja). 
(671-692 A.D,) 


1 
Jayashraya Mangaluraja 
(698-781 A.D.) 


1 
Pulakesi. 
(A.D 739.) 



38 



from 680-81 to 696 * A. D. He 
was also called Satyashraya, " the 
asylum of truth/' and Rajashrya 
"the asylum of kings." There are 
seven inscriptions of his time, six 
bearing th- Saka dates 608, 611, 
613, 614, 614 and 616. and one 
being undated. One of his copper- 
plate grants is from Surat. His 
warlike expeditions appear from 
the inscriptions to have been very 
numerous and extensive. He is 
described as arresting the extremely 
exalted power of the three kings 
of Chola, Pandya and Kerala, 
and as reducing the Pallavas. Kala- 
bhras, Haihayas, Vilas, Malavas.f 
Cholas, Pandyas, and other peoples 
to a similar state of servitude with 
his hereditary servants, the Alupas, 
Gangas and others. He levied tri- 
bute from the rulers of the Kaveras 
or Kameras, and the Parasikas and 
the rulers of Simhala, i.e. Ceylon. 
He acquired the patidhvy'a-'ba.nn.er 
and other insignia of sovereignty. 
(Bom. Gaz. I, pt. II, p. 358). 

Parsis Mentioned in Vijaya- 
ditya*s Inscription. 

Now let us consider the passage of 
the inscription of Vijayaditya (A.D. 
696-733), the son of Vinayaditya, in 
which the Parasikas, are mentioned. 
The passage which we quote below is 
found in three copper-plate grants 
edited by Dr. Fleet in the Indian 
Antiquary, Vol. IX, pp. 1-27, 131 and 
13?. The first two grants are dated 
Saka 622 (=A.D. 700-1), Saka 627 
(=A.D. 705-6), and the last is un- 
dated. The passage runs thus : 




Dr. Fleet translates the passage 
thus : 

"His (Vikramadityai's) dear son 
was Vinayaditya Satyashraya, the 
favourite cf the world, the great 
king, the supreme king, the supreme 
lord, the venerable one, who having 
at the command of his father arrested 
the extremely exalted power of the 
lord of Kanchi, whose kingdom con- 
sisted of three (component} dominions 
just as Tarakarati (=Karttikiya) (at 
the command} of (his Jather) Balen- 
dushekhara (=Siva) did arrest the 
power of the demons, caused the 
rulers of Kamera and Parasika 
and Simhala and other islands 
to pay tribute ; and who 
was possessed of the palidhvaja and 
all the other mighty insignia of 
supreme dominion, which he had 
acquired by crushing the lord of all 
the regions of the north." (Indian 
Antiquary IX, p. 1 29). 

Interpretation of the Impor- 

tant Passage in the 

Inscription. 

The expression important for our 
purpose is 



* According to Sir R. G. Bhandarkar he 
died in A.D. 697 (Bom. Gaz. I. pt. II, 
p 187.) 

t People of Malwa or people of Malaya 
country in the Western Ghauts (Bom. Gaz. 
I, pt. II, p. 868). 



which is capable of at least 
three interpretations. Sffsp} might 
mean "king" or simply "head" or 
"leader." We shall give the different 
senses and discuss them : 

(1) "Of him who made the kings 
of Kamera (island) Parasika, (island), 
Simhala (island) and other islands to 
pay tribute." 

From Kamera or Kavera (which is 
the reading in another plate), the 
river Kaveri takes its name. Kavera is 
the name of a country 
or people (Ind. And. IX, p. ] 27 foot- 
note). It may have been an island 
or a country situated between two 
rivers ; for a doah is usually called an 
island by Sanskrit writers. 

Simhala or Ceylon is certainly an 
island. Assuming, therefore, Kamera 



39 



or Kavera to be an island, it would 
appear that Parasika dvipa might be 
an island inhabited by the Parsis. 
Now as the dominion of Vinayaditya 
consisted of Western and Southern 
India, we might be led to think of the 
island of i)i.v referred to in the 
Kisseh-i-Sanjan as the Parasika 
island. But the question is whether 
Div formed part of the dominions of 
Vinayaditya. We are therefore com- 
pelled to examine the history of 
Kathiawar and Northern Gujarat 
of the time. It is stated that the 
kings of the Valabhi dynasty were 
rulers of Kathiawar and Northern 
Gajarat from A. D. 507 to 766. 
Their first king was Bhattaraka 
(609 A. D.) and last Shiladitya VII 
(766 A. D.) (Bom. Gax. I, pt. I, pp. 7?, 
93.) \Vhile referring to the Western 
Chalukya king Mangalesha (A. D. 
597-^8 to 608), Dr Fleet says : "At 
that point, the progress of Manealesha 
was stopped by the rulers of 
Valabhi, who held Kathiawad and 
the northernmost parts of Gujarat... 
There was thus constituted a king- 
dom (namely, that of the Western 
Chalukyas), which embraced the 
whole of the Bombay Presidency, 
excepting Kathiawad and Northern 
Gujarat, where the kings of Valabhi 
continued to reign till about A. D. 
766 " (Bom. Gaz. I, pt. II, p. 336). 
We do not know, whether it would 
be safe to follow Dr. Fleet's state- 
ment given above, although it is 
supported by Pandit Bhagvanlal * 
and other scholars ; but it is our 
duty to point out certain circumstan- 
ces, which appear to contradict it. 
It is doubted by some scholars, 
whether the supremacy of the 
Valabhi kings continued so far as 
A. D. 766. The writer of the Pom- 
bay Gazetteer says : " As Shiladitya 
VI was reigning in 447 of the 
Valabhi era, the sack of this capital 
(Valabhi) cannot have occurred 
before A. D. 765 and probably five 
to fifteen years later. This would 
bring the ruin of the city and the 

' In A. D. 775 (Bom. Ga z . 1, Pt. I p. 138). 



dynasty to such comparatively modern 
times, that it may fairly be attributed 
to Muhammadans from Sindh and 
entirety precludes the possibility of 
its destroyers being Sassanian kings 

as conjectured by Elphinstone If 

Burgess's explanation (note I page 76 
Vol IV Archaeological Survey) be 
followed, then the 447 of the plate 
of Shiladitya VI. would be A. D.642 
and the Sassanians may after all 
have destroyed Valabhi."* (Bom. 
Gaz. VIII, p. 274). 

One of the inscriptions (which 
however is not genuine) shows that 
in Jayadeva's time (Vikrama Samvat 
714) Dhinki was the eastern part of 
his dominion atSaurashtra, thus show- 
ing that the Saurashtra of those 
days was limited to the coast belt of 
the peninsula of Kathiawar (Bom. 
Gaz, VIII, p. 575). But the questions 
whether Div belonged to the Cha- 
lukyas or not and whether it was 
ever known as a Parasika island remain 
unanswered. 

Even supposing that Div belonged 
to the Chalukyas and was named the 
"Parsi island" after the Parsis, still 
we are unable to think of a Parsi 
king ruling there at the time. Under 
the circumstances it would not be 
correct to render the word 3fl%q 
as "king." 

(2) Now we give the second sense 
of the Sanskrit passsge below : 

" Of him who made the kings of 
the Kameras, of the Parasikas and 
of Simhala and other islands to pay 
tribute. " 

As stated above it is difficult to say, 
who the king of the Parasikas could 
be in Southern Gujarat and Kontan 

* We shall see hereafter that the Gurjaru 
kings were the feudatories of the Western 
Chalukyas. One of them Dadda III is, 
in the Record of the year A. D. 706 repre- 
sented as waging war with the king of the 
West, who was certainly a Valabhi king 
and the Record of A. D. 736 states that 
Jayabhatta III quieted in battle the impetu- 
osity of the king of Valabhi, (Bom Gaz I, 
pt. II, p. 316). This however does not 
show, that Valabhi kings were the vassals of 
the Gurjaras. 



40 



in Vinayaditya's time. If we take 
here in the sense of the " head" 



or the "leader," there is no difficulty, 
so far as the Parsis are concerned, 
but that sense would not apply to the 
other nations. As the Kisseh-i-San- 
jan mentions Div as the first place 
of landing, (although the Gujarati 
memorandum and the travellers' ac- 
counts do not mention it at all), we 
may well say that the tradition in the 
Kisseh may have been derived from 
some such interpretation of the in- 
scription, as we have given above. 
In that case the traditional date of 
the coming of our ancestors at Div 
would be exactly 19 years A.D. before 
716 when the Parsis are said to 
have landed at Sanjan. 

Mr. Lewis Rice,* who has also 
noticed the above inscription says: 
"It is strange to find a Parasika island 
in this connection, unless indeed the 
Pahlavas, retaining the tradition of a 
supposed Persian origin,] should have 
given the name to some island in the 
south." (Indian Antiquary VIII, p. 
24). 

(3) But a third meaning is also 
possible, and that too strictly in ac- 
cordance with the rules of Sanskrit 
grammar. We dissolve the com- 
pound thus: 



clFT I "Of him who 
made the Kameras, the Parasikas 



*He translates the passage thus: "Levier 
of tribute from the rulers of Kavera, Pa- 
rasika and Simhala and other islands." 

fAn answer to the above remarks in italics 
may be given in the words of Prof. Weber, 
who puts up the following note on the word 
Pahlava occurring in the Riima'yana and 
Mahabharata: "As the name of a people, 
the word Pr.hlava became early foreign to 
the Persians, leirned reminiscences excepted: 
in the Pahlavi texts themselves, for instance, 
it does not occur. The period when it pass- 
ed over to the Indians therefore would have 
to be fixed for about the 2nd-4th century 
A.D. and we shall have to understand by 
it, not directly the Persians, who are called 
Parasikas, raiher, but specially the Arsaci- 
dan Parthians." (Hist, of Indian Litera- 
ture, p. 188.) 



and the kings of Simhala and other 
islands to pay tribute." 

It will be seen that in this tran- 
slation, there is a reference simply 
to the Parasikas and not to their 
king. These were made to pay tri- 
bute by the Hindu monarch Vinaya- 
ditya, who ruled in Southern Gujarat 
and Kent an from 6SO-SI A.D. to 696 
A.D. According to Sir R. G. Jihan- 
darkar however, he died about 697 A. 
D.(Bom. Gaz. I, pt. II, p. 187;. 

Date of Landing in India and 
Payment of Tribute. 

There are 2 stone inscriptions and 
5 copper-plate grants of the time of 
Vmayaditya. His last copper-plate 
grant is dated Saka 6 i6(A. D. 690- 
As his rule extended up to A. D. 
696-7 and as none of his inscrip- 
tions or grants that we have come 
across contain any reference to the 
Parasikas, it is reasonable to infer 
that the event of the Parasikas hav- 
ing paid tribute must have taken 
place between A. D. 694 to 696-7. 
Now according to the traditional 
pccount of Lord's informant, the 
Parsis first landed at Sanjan and 
some of them went to Nowsari, 
where on payment of tribute and 
homage, they -were allowed to land by 
the Rajfi. No doubt at the time 
Nowsari was the capital of a minor 
branch of the Chalukyas, but the 
kings of this branch were feudatories 
of the main Western Chalukya 
dynasty. Vinayaditya's copper-plate 
grants were issued from Sorab in 
Mysore, Lakshmaneshwar in the 
Miraj State, and Surat and other 
places. Vijayaditya's grants were 
issued from Badami in Bijapur 
state, Nerur in Sawantwadi State, and 
Buhar and other places. This 
shows that Vijayaditya and his 
father ruled over the territory from 
Mysore to Bulsar and Surat. (Bom. 
Gaz. I, Pi. II, pp. 368-374.) 

Considering all these circum- 
stances we might infer that the 
Parasikas, who were made to pay 



41 



tribute by Vinayaditya, were most 
probably the Parsi refugees from 
Iran. 

The fact that according to the 
16th Sanskrit Shloka* (as given in 
the manuscript P. S.) the king 
grants permission to the Parsis to 
come (sflTfES^ S^FW) corroborates 
the inference, which we have arriv- 
ed at above. If so, the Parsis came 
to India in A. D. 697. But the 
traditional date of their landing at 
Sanjan is A. D. 716. How are we 
to reconcile the two dates ? The 
solution is certainly difficult. 

According to the Kisseh-i-Sanjan 
the Parsis first landed at Div, and 

after staying there for 19 years they 
moved to Sanjan. Thus they arrived 
at Div in A. D. 697, since as stated 
above, the traditional date of the 
coming of our ancestors at Sanjan 
is A. D. 716. But as neither Lord's 
informant nor the Gujarati* memo- 
randum mentions Div at all, it may 
be that two bands of fugitives came 
to Sanjan at different times one in 
A. D. 697 and the other in A.D. 716 
or that the Parsis after landing at 
Sanjan in A. D. 697 went to Div,t 
whence they returned to Sanjan in A. 
D. 716, to live there permanently -t 

* A note on the date of the 16 Sanskrit 
Shlokas is given in another chapter. 

t Supposing, of course, that Div belonged 
to the Chalukya emperors. 

J Mr. G. K. Nariman in one of his lectures 
referred to a passage in Futh-ul-Buldn, 
which makes allusion to a number of Zoroas- 
triansi who left Kerman in ships just about 
the time, which would synchronise with the 
traditional advent of the Parsia into India. 
(Sanj Vartman Pateti No. of 9-6-1916, 
p. 132). Dr. J. J. Modi quotes Ahmed 
Al-Biladuri (about A. D. 850) who says 
about an Arab general: "He conquered 
Jiraft -by force and having proceeded to 
Kerman subjugated the people and made 
for Kafs, where a number of the Persians, 
who had immigrated, opposed him at 
Hormuz. So he fought with and gained 
a victory over them and many people of 
Kerman fled by sea ". This passage speaks 
of an immigration to Hormuz, a fight with 
immigrants, and a flight by sea. All these 
coincide with what is said of the Parsi 5m- 
mi gration in the Kisieh-i-Sanjan and sup- 



Before we pass on we will just 
allude to a remark of our friend 
Prof. Hodivala. In support of his 
theory that the Parsis arrived in India 
in Vikram Samvat 992 (A. D. 936), 
he said that the proposition " ex- 
plained why not a single reference 
to the Parsis in Western India 
during the 8th, 9th and 10th cen- 
turies has been ever found, though 
they are popularly supposed to have 
arrived so early as 716 A. C." The 
answer is found in the inscriptions 
already quoted, namely that they 
have been expressly mentioned in 
the grants of Saka 622 (A.D. 700-1), 
and Saka 627 (A. D. 75-6), and an 
undated grant, probably of a later 
date. 

Vijayaditya 

According to the Kisseh-i-Sanjan 
it was the kind Jadi Rana or Jai 
Rana, who gave shelter to the hapless 
Parsis, though we must say that 
Lord's informant and the other 
travellers simply mention a Hindu 
Raja without naming him. We are 
deeply indebted to the writer of the 
Kisseh for preserving the name of 
the beneficent king Jadi or Jai Rana. 
It is also found in theGujarati memo- 
randum which however does not 
agree with the Kisseh in other res- 
pects. By A. D. 692 in his father's 
time, Vijayaditya had been appointed 
Yuvdrdja or prince-regent. As Dr. 
Fleet says, "this title was used to 
denote a person, who having been 
selected by the reigning king as his 

port it. (See Dr. Modi's article in the 
Times of India dated 12-2-1920). 

The traditional date of landing is 85 Yaz- 
dagardi. It must be noted that at that time 
there were three eras current in Iran, one 
the Yazdagardi era, which commenced in 
A. D. 631, the other the Persian era, which 
commenced in A. D. 611 and the third the 
Parsi era which commenced in A.D. 651. 
About the second era. Prof. Rehatsek says, 
that " it was established ten years before 
the Hijra " (See his paper on the Ba\v and 
GSoba-rah Sephabuds B. B. R. A. S. Vol. 
XII pp. 439-450) Could it be that the date 
was given as sal <?5, meaning the Persian 
year, and not the Yardagardi year ? 



successor, was admitted meanwhile 
to a share in the administration 
probably with a view to really securing 
the succession " (Bom. Gaz. I pt.ll, 
pp. 371,285 note). That Vijaya- 
ditya exercised vast powers appears 
clear from a grant of A. D. 692 
wherein at his request his father 
granted a village to some Brahmans. 

He assisted his father in a campaign 
to the north, and pushing on further 
to the north even than his father, 
there acquired for him the signs of 
the rivers Gangland Yamuna. (Idem, 
pp. 369, 371). It is therefore highly 
probable, that Vijayaditya may have 
been directly or indirectly connected 
with the greatest event in the his- 
tory of the Parsis. As stated above 
the event is not mentioned even in the 
last grant of Vinayaditya dated the 
full-moon day of Kartika Saka 616 
(9th October 694); it must therefore 
have taken place after this date, but 
before Vijayaditva's accession in 
Shravana Saka 619 (A. D. 696),* 
when we may well suppose his 
father to be in a tottering condition 
of health. The event has been 
mentioned in Vijayaditya's inscrip- 
tions only, although it is connected 
with his father's time, which shows 
that even in his father's life-time 
shortly before his death, Vijayaditya 
was virtually the paramount ruler. 
Was he then the Jadi or Jai Rana ? 
The answer is somewhat difficult as we 
shall see later on. There are 11 
inscriptions of his time, seven of 
which are stone inscriptions and 
four copper-plate grants. The last 
grant is from Bulsar in Gujarat, 
which contains a charter issued from 

the town of Mangalapuri 

Contrary to the usual practice of the 
Gujarat grants, it is dated not. in the 
Kalachuri or Chedi era, but in Sam- 
vat Saka 653 (A. D. 731-32) (Bom. 
Gaz. I, pt. II, pp. 370-37*). 

We now give a brief sketch of the 
history of Vijayaditya. According to 

* Or A. D-697 Ind. Ant. VII, 301. Bom. 
Gaz- I, pt. II p, 870. ant p. 189. 



Dr. Fleet he came to the throne in 
the month of Shravan Saka Samvat 
619 current or in A.D. 696. (N. B. : 
At one time the learned Doctor put the 
date in A.D. 697) (Bom. Gaz. I, pt. II, 
p. 370 note). Vijayadita continued to 
reign till Saka 655 A.D. (733-34). 
Of his time we have several inscrip- 
tions. He is spoken of in the 
inscriptions as a king, who maintained 
the supremacy acquired by his father 
in the north and by his grand-father 
in the south. His reign seems to 
have been a peaceful one, with his 
capital at Vatapi or Badami. (Fleet's 
Dynasties of Kanarese Districts, pp. 
28-29, Bom. Gaz. I, pt. II, pp. 371- 
74). His name also appears in the 
form Vijayaditya Deva. He used the 
titles, 

and in one instance 
("the most worshipful one".) 

Hindu Names Contracted. 
Vijayaditya- Jadi. 

It is common knowledge that 
Hindu names undergo contractions 
in various ways. The following im- 
portant points should be noted : 

(l) The names of kings and royal 
personages usually consist of two 
component parts. The terminal part 
is more or less an epithet of 
honour and is some such word as 



&c. 

(9} Sometimes two different termi- 
nal words are applied to the name of 
one and the same king; for example, 



&c. 

(3) At times the terminal word is 
optionally dropped ; as 3llTc1=RT 



^. In some 
instances, some letters of the termi- 
nal word are optionally dropped ; as 
4W$W H'T^'-H (Fleet's Dynasties 
of Kanarese Districts, pp. 18b, 32b, 
86b, 90, 96b). 



43 



(4) We also find that words are 
added in the beginning to show 
greater respect; for 'example, 



(idem, p. 18b, 64). 

(5) An instance in which both the 
preceding and terminal epithets are 
dropped is found in the name of the 
later Western Chalukya king Some- 
shvara IV (1182 to 1189 A. D.), 
who was also called Vira-Someshvara 
or simply Soma (idem, p. 54). 

(6) Vikramaditya VI (A. D. 1075 
to 1126) was a famous Western 
Chalukya king, who bore other 
names such as tJi^i'ejsM^ f^fft^ 

and fc+ufe This last is a 



corrupt form of n= 
This king ^K*wR of the Kadamab 
dynasty was also named W (Fleet's 
Kanarese dynasties, pp. 48, 92.) 

(7) Lokaditya, a feudatory of the 
Rashtrakuta king Krishna II had his 
name contracted to Lokade, evidently 
a corrupt form of Lokadi (Bom. Gaz. 
I, pt. II, p. 411, note.) 

8. The Eastern Chalukya king 
Jayasinha I was also named Vijaya- 
ditya I. (Ind. Ant. VII, p. 243). 
In one place Pundit Bhagwanlal 
Indraji calls Vtjayadeva, a vicarious 
name for Jayadeva (Ind. Ant. XIII, 
p. 424). 

(9) The consonant ^ in the body 
a word is" sometimes dropped for 
euphony ;for example J^MI^MI /^MI. 
(Bom. Gaz. I, pt. II, p. 296).* 

Considering all these instances it 
is possible that the name lej'^lf^ 
would be changed to sprrf^j-j- then 
then ^Jfrf^ and Sfff^ (Jddi). 



By dropping the terminal word 
from ^MlRc^T, we get the 
name Jaya, which is the name found 

* Cf. also Vijayangara=Bijnagar (B. 
B. R. A. S. XII, p. 836.) 

f It may be noted that JaySditya was the 
name of the Author of the Vritti Sutra, i.e. 
KashikS (B.B.R.A.S. XVI.-200). 



in some of the manuscripts of the 
Kisseh-i-Sanjan. 

Jai or Jadi Rana in 

Kisseh*i-Sanjan. 
Was he Yijayaditya ? 

A few close parallels showing the 
identification of Jadi (Rana) with 
Vijayaditya are given below : 

(1) As seen above the name 
Jadi was a short form of Vijayaditya. 

(2) In the Kisseh-i-Sanjan Jadi 
Rana is called JRae-rayan, " king 
of kings." * 

The Dastur speaks about the king 
thus : 

Ja na^la shah-rayan, nik-kar ast 
Ba Hind andar hamishah nam- 

dar ast. 
Dehad dar shahar o mulka 

khud panahash 
Kunad dar hal aj shekaftah 

negahash. 

" He is beneficent and descended 
from kings of kings. f He has been 
always famous in India. He will 
give shelter in his own city and 
kingdom. He will look upon our 
condition with an eye of mercy." 

In the inscription Vijayaditya is call- 
ed 



^ (the favourite of the world, great 
king, supreme king, supreme lord, 
the venerable one). Further he is 
called ^KclijqiisnT : (asylum of the 
world), ^13+^*11^1^ (by 



whole 

reason of having broken the pride 

of enemies^ y^Kc=ir^ (by reason of 

liberality) and RK^nld, (by reason 

of blamelessness (Ind. Antiquary IX, 

128-129). 

(2) In two places in the Kisseh-i- 
Sanjan Jadi or Jai Rana is called a 
prince in couplet No. 149 he is 
called Rdi-Jadah and in No. 214 
Shah-Jadah. This seems an in- 

* See couplet No. 141 in the Kisseh- 
i-Sanjan by R. B. Paymaster. 
f Kingly kings. (Eastwick.) 



44 



consistency; for, as already seen 
he has -been called "king of 
kings." The other traditional ac- 
counts also speak of him as a 
Hindu raja or a Hindu prince. 
It appears that the writers of the 
tradition have confounded the two 
facts namely that the Raja was a 
prince-regent for some time, and 
that he became a paramount king 
afterwards. 

(3) According to Henry Lord's 
informant the Raja was living at 
Nowsari, which was the capital of 
the Lata territory * or Southern 
Gujarata. ruled over by a branch 
of the Western Chalukyas. It was 
known in those days as Navasa- 
rikd (Bom. Gaz I, Pt II, p. 310). 
The mention of this city is the 
only obstacle in our way to decide 
that Jadi or Jai was Vijayaditya, since 
his capital was at Vatapi or Badami. 
But there is no doubt that Nowsari 
was the capital of his feudatory 
Jayashraya, and was under his suze- 
rainty. We learn from the inscription 
that the tribute was taken from the 
Pars is by Vinayaditya. He was very 
old at the time and his affairs were 
managed by his son Vijayaditya, who 
was his regent. Hence it is not difficult 
to understand how according to the 
tradition, the Parsis are said to have 
paid tribute to Jadi Rana (or Vijaya- 
ditya). 

(4) As the Raja ruled from A. D. 
696-7 to 733, the traditional date 
of the installation of the Iranshah 
Atash Beheram at Sanjan fell during 
his reign. 

Was Jayashraya, Jai Rana ? 

We give below an extract from the 
account of a minor Chalukya dynasty 
given by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar in 
his Early History of the Dekkan : 

During the reign of Vikramaditya 
I (A. D. 655-680), a branch of the 
Chalukya dynasty was founded in 

* From the Mahi or the Kim to the 
Damaganga (Fleet, Kanarese Dynasties 
p. 181). 



Southern Gujarat or the country 
called Lata in ancient times. Vik- 
ramaditya seems to have assigned 
that province to a younger brother 
named Jayasimhavarman Dharash- 
raya, who thus was another son of 
Pulakesi II. Shryashraya Shiladitya 
son of Jayasimhavarman made a 
grant of land, while residing at 
Nowsari* in the year 421 of the 
Traikutaka era (A. D. 670) and 
another in 443 of the same era (A. 
D. 692), while encamped at Kusu- 
meshvara. In both these Shryash- 
raya is called Yuvdrdja or prince- 
regent and not a king. Another 
son of Jayasimhavarman named 
Vinayaditya Yuddhamalla Jayashraya 
Mangalaraja issued a similar charter 
in the Shaka year 653 (A. D. 731). 
Pulakesi the younger brother of 
Jayashraya Mangalaraja granted a 
village in 490 (A. D. 739). Both are 
styled kings. It appears that Jaya- 
simhavarman though made sovereign 
of Southern Gujarat did not rule 
over the province himself but made 
his son Saryashraya his regent, who 
held that position for more than 22 
years He died before his father. 
Jayashraya Mangalaraja succeeded 
the latter as king, and he was 
succeeded by Pulakesi f . ...... Thus 

Shryashrayas' dates were A. D. 670 
or 671 to 692, of Jayashraya A. D. 
731, and of Pulakesi A. D. 739. 
(Bom. Gaz. I, pt. II, pp. 186-187). 



"ShrSshraya, Shil&Htya, the heir-apparent 
residing at Navasari gave the village of 
Assatti...to Bhgikasva"mi...the son of Sva- 
mantasvami, who is the son of Agamisvami 
of the Kashyapa stock living at Navasari" 
(B. B. R. A. S, XVI, pp 1-4) 

f In Pulakesi grant it is stated that he 
vanquished an army of Tdgik-as (or Arabs) 
which had destroyed the Saindhava, Kach- 
chhela, Saurashtra, Chavoataka, Manrya, 
Gurjara and other kings and on its way to 
D;ikshfnapatha...had come to Nowsari,... 
which was the captial of the Ch&lukyas o f 
LSta or southern Gujarat (Bom. Gaz. I, pt , 
II., p 187 8). 



45 



We also give a short summary of 
the account by Pandit Bhagwanlal 
Indraji : 

The Chalukyas conquered their 
Gujarat provinces from the south 
after subduing the Konkan Mauryas 
of Puri, either Rajapuri, that is, 
Janjira, or Elephanta in Bombay 
Harbour. The regular establish- 
ment of the Chalukyas in Southern 
Gujarat seems to have been the work 
of Dharashraya Jayasimhavarman, 
son of Pulakesi II, and younger 
brother of Vikramaditya Satyashraya 
(A. D. 670-80). 

A grant of Jayasimhavarman's son 
Shiladitya found in Nowsari des- 
cribes Jayasimhavarman as receiv- 
ing the kingdom from his brother 
Vikramaditya. ...He had 5 sons and 
enjoyed a long life, ruling ap- 
parently from Nowsari.... Five cop- 
per-plates remain of this branch of 
the Chalukyas. ...Two of these show 
that these kings treated as their 
overlords the main dynasty of the 
Southern Chalukyas, as respectful 
mention is made in the first plate of 
Vikramaditya Satyashraya and in the 
second of his son Vinayaditya 
Satyashraya. 

Jayasimhavarman ruled from A. D. 
666* to 6 93. He was succeeded by 
his second son Mangalaraja who ruled 
from A. D. 698 to 731. f (Bom. Gaz. 

I, pt. I, pp. 107-8). About this latter 
king, Dr. J. F. Fleet says in his 
Dynasties of Kanarese Districts: 

"A. copper-plate grant of Vijayadi- 
tya from Bulsar dated A. D. 731-2 
contains a charter issued from the 
town of Mangalapuri by the Rdjd 
Mangalrasa who had the birudas 
(other names) of Vinayaditya, 
Yuddhamalla and Jay&shraya, and 
was the second son of Dharashraya- 
Jayasimhavarman, the younger brother 
of Vikramaditya I" (Bom. Gaz. I, pt. 

II, p. 374). 

* Dr. Fleet gives A. D. 671-692. 
t B. B. R. A. S., XVI-5. 



It will be seen that Shryashraya 
was a Yuvaraja till his death in A. 
D. 692. According to Pandit Bhag- 
vanlal, his brother Jayashraya 
Mangalaraja came to the throne of 
Nowsari in A. D. 698. His father 
must have lived till then, although 
vve have no definite record, and as 
second brother he must have succeed- 
ed his brother as a Yuvrdja after him. 
The date A. D. 698 given by Pandit 
Bhagvanlal for his accession has not 
been given by Dr. Fleet and Sir R. G. 
Bhandarkar. (Bom. Gaz. I, pt. II, p. 
836b), who leave a gap between the 
years A. D. 692 and 698. Therefore 
the date of his accession might be a 
little before A. D. 698. This Jay&- 
shraya was the ruler at Nowsari up till 
A. D. 731. He was thus a contem- 
porary and feudatory of Vinayaditya 
and Vijayaditya. His name might be 
contracted into "Jaya." Besides as 
the epithet Deva was usually applied 
to the names of kings, his name 
might have been shortened from Ja- 
vadeva into Jaide or Jadi. Under the 
circumstances Jayashraya might have 
been the Jadi-Rdnd of the Kisseh- 
i-Sanjan. The traditional date of the 
advent of our ancestors very nearly 
coincided with the date of his 
accession, and the traditional date of 
the building of the Atash Beheram 
Iranshah did certainly fall during 
his reign. In the commencement of 
his rule his paramount lord was 
Vinayaditya. 

The passage in the inscription, 
which we have already considered, 
states that the Parasikas were made 
to pay tribute by Vinayaditya. It 
might be that the transaction of 
the payment of tribute by the Parsis 
was negotiated and carried out by the 
local ruler of Nowsari, but as he was 
a mere feudatory of the paramount 
sovereign Vinayaditya, the transaction 
might have been ascribed to the latter 
in the inscription, just as in our own 
days we see that the acts of minis- 
ters are ascribed to the sovereign. 

We have stated all the facts &c. 
as they stand. We must however 



46 



candidly admit that the evidence in 
our records is so very meagre, that 
it is extremely difficult to choose 
between Vijayaditya and Jayashraya, 
but with the materials at hand one 
may think with Sir R. G. Bhandar- 
kar, that Jayashraya was the Jai 
Rana of the Kisseh-i-Sanjan, al- 
though we are greatly inclined to 
identify Vijayaditya with Jyadi or 
Jadi (Rana), specially because he 
was a king of kings. 



A Feudatory of Chalukyas. 

We now propose to give here 
(of course parenthetically) a short 
account of another feudatory of the 
Western Chalukyas. Pandit Bhagvan- 
lal Indraji has determined the dates 
of some of the Gurjara kings. A 
Gurjara copper-plate grant found 
at Nowsari gives the following geneo- 
logy : Dadda I, Jayabhata I, 
Dadda II, Jayabhata II, Dadda III, 
Jayabhata III. This last king ruled 
from the years 456 to 486 of the 
Chedi era, that is from A. D. 704-5 
to 734-5. In one of the inscriptions 
his name is also given as Jayabhata- 
deva (Ind. Ant. V, 109 ff). Five 
grants namely the Kavi, Nowsari, 
Kaira, Umeta and Ilao grants give us 
particulars about the abovesaid 
Gurjara dynasty. Of these, the last 
two have been supposed to be forge' 
ries. The Nowsari grant was issued 
from the camp at Kayavatara, which 
is identified with Kavi in the Jambu- 
sar Taluka of the Broach district. 
The villages mentioned in the grants 
are all in the Broach district. From 
one of the grants it appears that 
Akrureshwar or Ankleshwar Taluka 
also belonged to the Gurjara kings. 
In the Umeta and Ilao grants Dadda 
II is called a Maharajadhiraja, but 
these grants have been as seen above 
rejected as spurious. In the Nowsari 
and Kaira grants he is simply describ- 



ed as having attained Panch-maM- 
shabda (five titles) and in the seals of 
the Kaira grants he is simply called 
a Sdmanta (a feudal lord). Dadda 
III and Jayabhata III are described 
in the Nowsari grant as having attain- 
ed the Panch-mahd-shabda, and the 
latter has also in the Kavi grant 
the title of Maha-samantadhipati 
(or lord over feudal chiefs). This 
title shows considerably higher 
rank than that of Dadda I, but 
it still indicates subordination to 
some higher authority. Pandit 
Bhagwanlal thus concludes : "The 
Gurjaras could not have been vassals 
of the rulers of Valabhi ; for Dadda 
II gave protection to the lord of 
Valabhi, when he had been defeated 
by Harsha-deva; and in the Kavi 
grant Jayabhata III prides himself 
upon having quieted in battle the 
impetuosity of the lord of Valabhi. 
It was probably the Chalukya family 
whether the Gujarat branch or Vatapi 
dynasty, that the Gurjaras acknowledg- 
ed as their supreme lords." (Ind. 
Ant. XIII, pp. 73, 80.) The Kaira 
grant was issued from Nandipuri 
(Nandod or Nandipure to the east of 
Broach). Hence Pandit Bhagwanlal 
thought that the Gurjara power 
extended over the present Broach 
district. 

The writer f the Bombay Gazet- 
teer says: "It is possible that the 
power of the earlier Gurjara kings 
spread as far as Bulsar and even up 
to the Korikan limits. It was appa- 
rently from them that during the reign 
of his brother Vikramaditya*, 
Jayasimhavarman took south Gujarat, 
driving the Gurjaras north of the 
Tapti, and eventually confining them 
to the Broach district, the Gurjaras 
either acknowledging Chalukya 
sovereign or withstanding the 
Chalukyas and retaining their smal 
territory in the Broach district by the 
help of the Valabhis, with whom 
they were in alliance. In either case 
the Chalukya power seems to have 

* Father of Vinayiditya (A. D. 656-680). 
Bom, Gaz. I, pt II, p. 336 b. 



47 



hemmed in the Broach Gurjaras." 
(Bom. Gaz. I, pt I,p 108). 

It thus appears that the dominion 
of Jayabhatta III did not extend as 
far as Nowsari or Sanjan. Therefore, 
although his name might assume the 
contracted form Jay a, still, in our 
opinion, he could not have been Jadi 
or Jai Rana. 



came across the important inscriptian 
of the Western Chalukya monarch 
Vinayaditya (A. D. 680 to 697). 
(Indian Antiquary IX, p. 127 ff). 
Therein we read 



Were Parasikas Syrians? 

Sir R. G. Bhandarkar's 

Letters. 

But a question might be asked 
whether the Parasikas mentioned 
in the inscription were Parsis. The 
question might seem absurd in view 
of the fact, that the word Parasikas 
has been used for the Parsis by all 
the Sanskrit writers, and also it 
occurs in that sense in the sixteen 
Sanskrit Shlokas supposed to have 
been recited before Jadi Rana. 
However Dr. Sir R G. Bhandarkar 
stated in his Early History of the 
Dekkan that " they were probably 
the Syrians settled on the coast of 
Malabar" (Bom. Gaz. I, pt. II, p. 
189.) This conjecture of the learned 
Doctor would be regarded as fatal to 
the3arguments advanced above. I 
therefore wrote him letters, to which 
he kindly replied. The corresponden- 
ce is given below : 

On the llth October 1917 I wrote 
to my worthy Guru as under : 

"I hope you will remember me 
as your old pupil of the Deccan 
College in the years 1892 to 1894 
and will be pleased to know that I 
have been continuing the studies of 
Sanskrit, in which I take deep interest. 
I have been for some time past read- 
ing a long paper on the Ancient 
Parsis of India before one of the 
literary societies here, with a special 
reference to the passages in Sanskrit 
books and inscriptions. Recently I 



&c. In your Early 
History of the Dekkan I was surpris- 
ed to read that 'the Parasikas were 
probably the Syrians settled on the 
coast of Malabar.' (Bom. Gaz. 1, pt. 
II, p. 189) ; for, I all along thought, 
that the Parasikas meant the Parsis 
and none else. 

"Now, Sir, the date of the arrival 
of the Parsi refugees after the 
overthrow of the Sassanian dynasty 
is traditionally known to be A. D. 
697 (716). 1 there fore thought, that 
when the inscription stated, that the 
Parsi ' king ' was made a tributary, it 
referred to the first arrival of our 
ancestors, who came to India just 
about the time of Vinayaditya's rule 
and during the Yuvarajaship of his 
son Vijayaditya (= Jayaditya Jyadi 
or Jadi Rand of the Kisseh-i-Sanjan). 
This Jadi Rana gave us protection 
and has been remembered with 
gratitude by the Parsis for the last 
twelve centuries. 

" I do not know what led your 
learned self to think of the Parsis as 
Syrians, but I guess, that you may 
have had a difficulty in identifying a 
Parsi kingdom on the western 
coast of India at the time. Can we 
not take arf^TT to mean simply a 
' leader' ? The Kisseh-i-Sanjan refers 
to a learned Dastur as the leader of 
the band, and it is just likely, that 
he may have belonged to the royal 
family. On the other hand to avoid 
the difficulty, may we not take 3lfp} 

with f^csfl^fa and translate the 
passage thus : ' Of him, who made 
tributary theKameras, the Parasikas, 
and the kings of Ceylon and other 
islands ? The passage would show 
that the Parasikas were made to pay 
certain taxes- 

" In conclusion, I hope you will 
excuse the trouble and shall deem it 



48 



a great favour, if you will kindly re- 
consider the matter and let me know 
your views." 

In continuation of the above letter, 
I wrote on the J5th October 1917 
thus : 

41 In continuation of my previous 
letter, I respectfully draw your atten- 
tion to the fact, that according to 
one of the traditions recorded by 
Rev. Henry Lord in A. D. 1621, 
the Parsi refugees were allowed to 
land on payment of homage and 
tribute. This is exactly what is 
stated in Vinayaditya's grant " 

In his reply dated 22nd October 
1917 Sir R. G. Bhandarkar says : 

" I am in receipt of yours of the 
llth and the 15th instant. Refer- 
ring to the passage in my Early His- 
tory of the Dekkan, you will see that 
I have spoken of the Parasikas as 
probably the Syrians settled in the 
Southern part of the western coast 
of India. You will see that the 
word probably was used to show, that 
it was a mere conjecture. To that 
conjecture I was led by the Kdvefa 
or Kerala and the Simhala Island 
being situated on the southern coast. 
If you connect Adhipa with Kdvera 
or Kerala and Pdrasika, it will be 
a good deal difficult to arrive at the 
sense, which you wish to lay on the 
passage. But most of the difficulty 
will disappear, when you connect 
adhipa with Simhalddidvipa only, and 
the sense will then be ' of him who 
made the Kaveras or the Keralas, 
and the Parasikas, as well as the 
kings of Simhala and other islands 
to pay tribute.' That the early 
Chalukyas founded a branch kingdom 
in Southern Gujarat is shown in my 
Early History, of Dekkan pp. 54-55, 
corresponding to pp. 186-187 of B. 
G. I., Pt. II. It is not unlikely there- 
fore that the expression 



may refer to your ancestors, who 
paid a tribute to the local Hindu 
prince. Your ' Jyadi ' might be 
regarded as a correct form of Jaya- 
ditya, who probably represented at 



that time the Chalukya power in 
Southern Gujarat. But I do not 
think that Vijayaditya, the son of 
Vinayaditya, could have been meant, 
as you will see from the short notice 
of the Gujarat branch given in my 
book and referred to above. 

' These antiquarian matters re- 
quire a long time to be properly 
considered, and my eyesight which 
is considerably impaired, as well as 
general debility have increased my 
difficulties- However I have given 
you the best solution, I can now 
think of, of the question raised by 
you." 

I thanked the worthy Doctor for 
the trouble he had taken and wrote 
back on the 24th October 1917 as 
under : 

" I cordially thank you for your 
very kind, prompt and full reply. 

"I am glad, that you agree with me 
on good many points the difference 
of opinion between us being extreme- 
ly small. As you say that you do not 
think that Vijayaditya could have 
been Tadi Rana, I take the liberty 
to place some more facts before you, 
and I hope, you will, in view of the 
importance of the subject, excuse 
me for this further trouble. 

"It is only in the Kisseh-i-Sanjan 
(A. D. 1600), that we come across 
the name of Jadi Rana. Some of 
the manuscripts of that book give the 
reading Jai (=Jaya in Sanskrit) Rana. 
According to one of the traditional 
accounts the Parsi refugees went to 
the Rana of Nowsari, and on payment 
of homage and tribute, they were 
allowed to land. 

"Now I find from your Early 
History of the Dekkan, Dr. Fleet's 
Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts 
and other works, that the kings 
of a minor branch of the West- 
ern Chalukyas had their capital 
at Nowsari. They were feudato- 
ries of the main branch, and we see 
that Vijayaditya (A. D. 696-733^ of 
the main branch was a contem- 
porary of Jayashraya Mangalaraja 



49 



(A. D. 698-731) of the minor 
branch. The question that puzzled 
me most was whether Vijayaditya 
(= Jaya or Jadi) was the Jaya or 
Jadi Rana, or whether Jayashraya 
was the -Jai of the Kisseh-i-Sanjan. 
As stated above the data for the 
solution of the problem are very 
meagre. The Kisseh-i-Sanjan is 
our main source of knowledge. In 
one place, the writer calls the Raja 
rai ray an (= king of kings) and in 
two other places he is called Shdh- 
jddah and rai jddah (= prince). 
There is an inconsistency here ; but 
I thought, it was important, as show- 
ing that Jadi Rana was at one time 
a prince-regent, and at another 
time, an emperor. That Vijayaditya 
acted in both the capacities, as also 
the fact that the epigraphic record 
is found in his copper-plate grants 
led me to conclude, that Vijayaditya 
was Jadi Rana. If we chuck up 
Vijayaditya, do you think Jay.a- 
shraya was the Jai Rana ? Hoping 
to be excused &c." 

To the above letter the learned 
Doctor replied on the 29th October 
1917 as under: 

' The evidence for determining 
what the name was of the Chalukya 
prince, who received the Parsis at 
Nowsari is meagre. The Kisseh-i- 
Sanjan was written, according to 
date given by you, about 900 years 
after the event, which it reports, and 
it is quite possible, that facts be- 
longing to different periods or 
different conditions of things were 
jumbled together in the tradition 
reported by the author of the work. 
Still taking the reading Jai Rana 
to be correct and comparing the 
dates as given in the Early History 
of the Dekkan, I think it not unlikely, 
that the prince, who admitted the 
Parsis was Jayashtraya, the successor 
of Shryasraya and second son of 
Jayasimhavarman, to whom the Lata 
province was allotted by Vikrama- 
ditya." 

We need hardly say that we fully 
agree with the remarks of Sir R. G. 



Bhandarkar about the Kisseh-i- 
Sanjan that "it is quite possible 
that facts belonging to different 
periods and different conditions of 
things were jumbled together," and 
the truthfulness of these remarks is 
apparent, although we must say, that 
we yield to none in our appreciation 
of the great value of that traditional 
record. 

Summary. 

The result of our survey may be 
briefly given here. It will be seen 
that there are two sets of circum- 
stances to be considered : 

(1) According to the Kisseh-i- 
Sanjan the Parsi refugees first landed 
in the island of Div, and 19 years 
later they moved to Sanjan. Accord- 
ing to Henry Lord's and other 
accounts they landed first at Sanjan. 

(2) The date of their arrival has 
been given as Yazdgardi year 85 
(=716 A. D.) It may be the date 
of the permanent settlement at Sanjan. 

(3) The Sanskrit inscription of 
Vijayaditya (697 A. D.) refers to the 
payment of tribute by the Parsis. 
Lord's tradition mentions the pay- 
ment of the tribute by the Parsi 
refugees to the Hindu king of Now- 
sari near Sanjan ; and according to 
the 16th Sanskrit Shloka they were 
granted permission to land and live 
in prosperity. 

(4) The Sanskrit inscription may- 
be translated to mean that " the 
leader of the Parsi island was made 
to pay tribute." Unfortunately we 
have so far no proof to say that the 
" Parsika island " was Div, or that it 
belonged to the Chalukya kings. 

(5) Vijayaditya was the regent in 
696-697 A. D., and Jayashraya was 
a tributary king of Nowsari at the 
time. 

(6) The name Vijayaditya might 
be contracted into Jyadi, and simi- 
larly Jayashraya into Jaya (=Jai). 
Both these were rulers in 716 A- D., 
the traditional date of the arrival of 



50 



our ancestors at Sanjan, and in 721 
A. D. when the Iranshah Fire was 
installed, supposing the traditional 
dates to be correct. 

From the above facts and circum- 
stances, it would not be wrong to 
conclude that our ancestors were on 
payment of tribute allowed to land 
on the Western coast of India in 696 
or 697 A. D. when Vijayaditya was 
practically the dominant ruler with 
Jayashraya as his feudatory at Now- 
sari near Sanjan, and that A. D. 716 
was most probably the date, when 
the Parsis made a permanent settle- 
ment and home in Sanjan. 

Arrival of Parsis to India by 
Sea. 

An argument has been advanced, 
that the story of the Parsis com- 
ing to India by sea is not tenable, 
as in those days the . c ea swarmed, 
with pirates and sea-robbers. It is 
true, that besides storms the Indian 
seas were full of dangers, and the 
worst of all dangers was from 
pirates. In the 8th and 9th cen- 
turies Sangars, Kerks and Meds 
sallied from the coasts of Sindh, 
Cutch and Kathiawar, ravaged the 
banks of the Euphrates, and even 
the coasts of the Red Sea as far 
as possible. The Persians com- 
plained of the Indian pirates in the 
6th century. In the 7th century 
the islands of Bahrein in the Persian 
gulf were held by the piratical 
tribe of Abd-ul-Kais and in 880 
A. D. the seas were so disturbed, 
that the Chinese ships carried from 
400 to 500 armed men and supplies 
of Naphtha to beat off the pirates. 
They stretched 5 or 6 miles apart 
in fleets of from 20 to 80 boats, 
and whenever one caught sight of 
a merchant vessel, he raised a 
smoke, and all who saw, gathered, 
boarded and plundered to stop, but 
let it go, hoping again to fall in 
with it.* 

* Yule's Marco Polo 11-880. Renand's 
Memoir 181, 200, 288. Ind. Ant. 
VIII-385, Bom. Gaz., Vol. 18pp. 482-484. 



In spite of all this the trade with 
the western coast of India did not 
cease ; on the contrary it flourished 
every day the most important reason 
being, that although all made voyages 
across the sea, they preferred as 
much as possible to hug the coast. 
Also as Pliny says, the merchant 
vessels carried a guard of archers. 
It was this close connection between 
the Western India and Persia, that 
in 638 led the Khalif Umar 
(634-643 A. D.) to found the city 
of Basra partly for purposes of 
trade and partly to prevent the 
Indian princes sending help to the 
Persians.* XXX 

From the 6th century, when 
the Persians began to take 
a leading part in the trade of the 
East, they not only visited India, 
but sailed in their own ships as far 
as China (Reinaud's Abulfeda I- 
II-3S3). Auquetil Du Person (Zend 
A vesta 1-336) speaks of Persians 
going to China in the 7th century 
with a son of Yazdezard. According 
to Wilford (As. Res. IV- 5*35) 
another party of refugees went in 
750 A. D. when the dynasty of the 
Abbasad Khalif s began to rule. In 
845 A. D. there is a mention of 
Muhapas or Mobeds in Canton 
( Yule's Cathay 1-96 ) and about 
60 years later Macudi notices that 
there were many fire-temples in 
China (Bom- Gaz. Vol. 18, p. 248). 
The Chavda kings, Vanaraja (A. D. 
745-806), and his son Yogaraja 
(A. D. 806-841) are recorded to have 
made great efforts to put down 
piracy on the west Kathiawad coast 
(idem, p. 527). The Chinese ships 
in the 7th and 8th centuries 
coasted along Western India 
by Div in Kathiawar and Diul in 
Sindh (Yule's Cathay 1-78.) The 
chief centre of trade was Thana' 
which is mentioned as a mart by the 
Arab writers of the 9th and 10th 

* See also Tabari par Zontanberg, Vol. 
Ill, p. 401. 



51 



centuries. XXX Sanjan * 
was a mart and great city in the 10th 
century. The chief ports with 
which the Thana coast was connected 
in the 9th to 12th centuries were 
Broach, Cambay, Somnath in Gujrat, 
Dihval in Sindh, Basrah, Obdollah 
and Ormaz on the Persian Gulf, 
Aden, Socotra on the Red Sea, 
Mombaza in Africa, Java, Malacca 
and China. 

The articles of trade sent from 
the Thana ports (namely Sopara, 
Sanjan, Kalyan and Chaul), to Persia 
were cocoanuts, mangoes, lemons, 
betel-nuts, leaves, muslin, ivory, 
timber, teak and bamboos. The 
articles imported from Persia were 
dates, Dirhem coins, copper, wines, 
silks, swordsi horses &c. No ships 
came to Thana without horses. As 
many as 10,000 horses a year were 
imported. Women, eunuchs and 
boys are said to have been brought 
by Jews through the Persian Gulf. 
(Bom. Gaz. Vol. 13, pp. 431-434). 

If then the trade survived all 
the dangers of the sea, if according 
to our account the Iranian refugees 
had nothing valuable with them, 
and if they were fully armed as the 
tradition goes, why should we not 
believe the story of the Kisseh-i- 
Sanjan, that the Iranian refugees 
crossed the sea to reach India ? It 
is very likely that in accordance with 
the tradition they came hugging 
the coast thus avoiding the 
dangers of the sea and the risk 
of breaking the rule about not 
defiling the seat with human im- 
purities. These ancestors of ours 
were orthodox Zoroastrians who 

*Albiruni says : "From Bahruj (Broach) 
to Sindan (Sanjan) is 50 parasangs ; 
from thence to Subarah, (SopSra") 7 
parasangs ; and from thence to Thana 
5 parasangs." The correct distances would 
be 40, 16, and 5 parasangs. (Rienand's 
Frag. Arab et Pers. p. 121 ; Indian 
Antiquary 1-821.") 

f According to Herodotus (I 189 ) 
the Persians did not defile rivers with 
impurities. 



practised ancient customs and per- 
formed religious ceremonials strictly 
in conformity with the orthodox 
belief, as we learn from the 16 
Sanskrit Shlokas, which have come 
down to us. These ancestors of 
ours have handed down the religion 
to us in its prestine purity. It is 
therefore our bounden duty to keep 
alive their memory in one shape or 
another ; and this chapter, we 
need hardly say, is our humble 
attempt in that direction. 



52 



Chapter No. 7. 
History of 700 Years. 

From the time of the arrival of 
the Parsis to India down to the 
fifteenth century their history is 
almost a blank. We have brief 
notes of about three dozen events 
which we give below with their 
respective dates. 

A. D. 85O. Some Parsis en- 
graved their Pahlavi signatures as 
witnesses to a copper-plate grant 
in Southern India probably before 
A. D. 850 (See Dr. E. W. West's 
reply dated 10-6-1898 re Dastur 
Meherji Rana controversy printed 
in "Dastur Meherji Rana and the 
Emperor Akbar," p. 79).* 

Middle off the 9th Century 

A. D. Mardan-farukh son of 
Auharmazd-dad the author of the 
Pahlavi work Sikand-Gumanik Vijar 
who wrote the book after the 
middle, but before the end, of the 
ninth century, came to India, to 
make investigations about religious 
topics. (See :Sikand-Gumanik Vijar 
Chap. X-44 ; S. B. E. Vol. XXIV. 
Intro. pp. 25-27, and p. 169. 
Also Sk. Collected Writings, edited 
by Sheheriarji Bharucha Intro, p. 2.) 

A. D. 916. The Arab writer 
Masudi says : " Up to now (Hijari 
304) the Magi worship fires of 
different kinds in Irak, Pars, Kerman, 
Sedjestan, Khorasan, Tabaristan, 
Djebal, Azerbaidjan, Erran, Inde 
(Hindustan), Sind and China." 
(Moacudi, Les Prairies, D'or par 
C. B. de Maynard Vol. IV, p. 86.) 

A. D. 95O. The Arab travel- 
ler Misar bin Mukhalihal (A. H. 
339) speaks about Chaul thus : 
" There are Musulmans, Christians, 
Jews and Fire-worshippers there 

(= at Saimur or Chaul) In the 

city there are mosques, Christian 
churches, Synagogues and Fire- 
temples." Another traveller of the 

* Also Sir J. J. Madressa Jubilee. Vol. 
pp. 442. 



same time Ibn Haukal says : " The 
Moslims and infidels in this tract 
(between Cambay and Chaul) wear 
the same dresses, and let their 
beards grow in the same fashion" 
(see Elliot's Hist, of India, Vol. I, 
pp. 39, 97). The Bombay Gazet- 
teer gives the date as A. D. 942 (I, 
Part I, pp. 216-217). 

A. D. 942-997. Some of the 

Parsis, who since their arrival in 
India, had remained in the South 
of Gujarat were attracted to the 
settlement near the temple of the 
Kumarika Kshetra (Cambay) at 
the mouth of the Mahi. The first- 
comers succeeding in trade, others 
followed, and in time the Parsi 
settlement became so strong that by 
their overbearing conduct, they 
forced the Hindus to leave the city. 
Among those who fled was a man 
of the Dasa Lad caste of Wanias, 
Kalianrai by name. He took re- 
fuge in Surat,* where in a short time 
by trading in pearls, he acquired a 
large fortune. His wealth gave him 
consequence, and he had the address 
to bring together a numerous band 
of Rajputs and Kolis, who in the 
night attacked the Parsis, putting 
many to the sword, and setting fire 
to their houses. The rest took to 
flight, and not a single Parsi was to 
be seen in Kumarika Kshetra, 
(Account of Cambay in Bom. Gaz. 
VI, p. 216.) 

A. D. 10th Century. In 
Ousley's Oriental Geography of Ebn 
Haukal (A. D. 902-968) it is stated 
that some parts of Hind and 
Sind belonged to Guebres. The 
Guebres might be Persian Zoroas- 
trians, but we are not quite sure. 

A. D. 955. Pahlavi texts were 
written by Dinpanah Itarpat Din- 
panah in the Yazdagardi year 324 
at Broach. Some scholars take the 
year to be 624 instead of 324. (See Dr. 
Modi's Dastur Bahaman Kaikobad 

* If this is Surat and not Sorath. 
Kalian rat's date can hardly have been 
before the 14th century Foot-note, Bom, 
Gaz. VI, p. 216. 



53 



and Kisseh-i-Sanjan. p. 28 ; also 
Dastur Jamaspji Minocheherji's 
Pahlavi texts, introd. p. 5, text p. 
83). 

A. D. 1009. Two Pahlavi 
inscriptions in the Kanheri caves 
show that certain Parsis visited 
the caves on the day Auharmazd 
of the month Mitro Yazdagardi 
year 373 (10th October 1009), and 
on the day Mitro of the month 
Avan 378 Yazdagardi (24th Nov- 
ember 1009).* (See Dr. Burgess's 
Inscriptions from the Cave Temples, 
pp. 62-64 ; and K. R. Kama's Zara- 
thosti Abhyas Ank III. p. 160, where- 
in the date is given as A. D. 999.) 

A. O. 1011. Some Pahlavi 
memoranda were written by Din- 
panah Itarpat Dinpanah above 
mentioned at Broach for the use 
of his pupil named Shazat Shat 
Farkho Auramazd in Samvat 1067 
on Roz Gos, Mah Ardibehesht 
[Dastur Peshotun B. Sanjana's 
Ganje Shayagan introd. p. 3. 
The date given in Dastur Jamaspji 
Minocheherji's Pahlavi Texts, in- 
trod. by Mr. Beheramgore Anklesaria 
is 1077 Hindustani (= 1021 A. D.) 
at p. 5 and 1067 Hindustani( =1011 
A. D.) at p. 34. ]f 

*Dr. Weat says : The Parsis who 
inscribed their Pahlavi signatures at the 

Kanheri caves may have come from 

Sanjan." (Sir J. J. Madressa jubihe Vol. 
p. 442.) 

t In an important letter dated 3-6-1915 
addressed to this writer, Prof. S. H. 
Hodiyala says' "Peshotan's introduction 
to the Ganje Sh^yegSn is full of historical 
blunders. He seems to have read 1067 Sam- 
vati not 1077. Besides he pretends tint 
his manuscript was actually written in 627 
A. Y. of which there is no proof. The date 
627 is merely the date of the Paima'nak-i- 
Katak Khutalk given on p. 141 of Beheram- 
gore's Pahlavi Texts. The date conclusively 
shows that MeherpSn translated his copy 
not from Dinpanah's copy (as Beheramgore 
says), but from his uncle Rustam Meher- 
ban's who was in India in the Par si Year 
627 (A. V. 647), i. e . 1218 A. C., as is 
shown by the colophon of the Pahlavi Vis- 
pard he wrote in Anldesvar in that year. 

As to your idea that 1077 Shake is the 
true date, there is this to be said that in 
all the other MSS. I am acquainted with 
(about four in number) the date is merely 



A. D. 1O21. A third Pahlavi 
inscription in the Kanheri caves 
shows that another batch of Parsis 
went there on the day Din, month 
Mitro of the year 390 Yazdagardi 
(3Cth October 1021). [See Burgess's 
Inscriptions from Cave Temples 
p. 65]. 

A. D. 103O. Alberuni in his 
"India "says: Then Zarathushtra 
went forth from Adharbaijan and 

preached Magism in Balkha 

There are some Magians up to the 
present time in India, where they 
are called Maga. (See Alberuni's 
India, translation by Dr. Sachau 
Vol. I, p. 21 and Vol. II, p. 262). 

A D. 1079. Ibraim the Gaz- 
navid attacked a colony of firewor- 
shippers at Dehra Dun. 

A. D. 1O81 A grant of "some 
drammas to the Kharasan Mandli " 
was made by the king Anantdeva, 
the ruler of Konkan in Sake 1003 
(i. e. A. D. 1081). (Bom. Gaz. Vol. 
I, Pt. II, p. 18 n. 7). Pandit Bhag- 
wanlal while translating the passage 
has put a querry (?) after the words 
Kharasan Mandli, showing that he 
did not understand them. Prof. S. 
H. Hodivala, in an article entitled 
"JadiRana and the Kisseh-i-San- 
jan " thinks, that the words "Kha- 
rasan Mandli " mean " Khorasan 
Anjuman," and may refer to " the 
colony at Sanjan of the Parsi settlers, 

77 haftado haft. T. D. is the only MS. in 
which it is Yak-hazar-haftad--haJt and 
Maneckji Unwalla tells me that the MS. 
originally belonged to him and that he 
gave it to Mr. Tehemuras, and that the 
sign for Yak-hazar is written above and not 
in a line with haftad-o-haft. In fact it is 
one of the many interpolations by a later 
scribe of which this MS. is full . . . 
You say Mr. . . . takes it to be 977 
Sake. 917 SSke would be 1058 A, C. i. e. 
not 324 A. Y. but 424 A. Y. Your 1077 
Salce would be 1155 A. C. and 524 A. Y. 
Is there any agrument for prefering 524 
A. Y. to 424 A Y.? I at least know of none. 
But there is an argument for holding that 
624 A. Y. is the true reading and that is 
based on the inference from the word dtrsi- 
vttt. It is possible to hold that dtrzivMt may 
mean something else, but I take it in the 
sense put upon by Beheramgore," 



who had come from Khorasan." In 
our opinion the words were probably 
meant for the descendants of the 
original Parsi settlers. (B. B. R. A. 
S. XXIII, 349-70). 

Close of 11th Century AD, 

Battle of Variav, which will be re- 
ferred to hereafter. 

Close off 11th Century A.D. 

A Pahlavi manuscript of Vendidad 
( K 1 in the University Library of 
Kopenhagan ) was copied in Sistan 
in A. D. 1205 by Ardeshir Bahman 
for an Indian priest named Mahyar, 
an inhabitant of Auchak in Sindh as 
we shall see hereafter. The head 
priest of that place was Shahmard 
son of Mahyar son of Shahzad son 
of Mitrojiv.* The last name is equi- 
valent to the modern Meherji. The 
termination ji is purely Indian ; 
hence Mitrojiv must have lived in 
India about 1100 A. D. (See Dastur 
Darab P. Sanjana's Pahlavi Vendidad 
introd., p. 39.) 

A. D. 1142 A mobed named 
Kamdin Zarthosht came to Nowsari 
from Sanjan for performing the 
religious ceremonies of the Parsis of 
Nowsari. t 

A. D. 1153 The Arab geogra- 
pher Edrisi refers in his book to 
Sanjan and its inhabitants (Parsis ?) 
" who were famous for their industry 
and intelligence, who were rich and 
war-like" (See Jaubert's Geographic 
d' Edrisi, p. 172). 

A. D. 1166 (about) Approxi- 
mate date of Nerioshang Dhaval, 
who was the most learned of the old 
Parsi priests of India. His trans- 
lation of the Pahlavi Yasna 
into Sanskrit is a convincing 
proof of his extensive knowledge of 
both the languages. He also trans - 

* In the colophon of the MS. of Pazend 
Jam^spi written by RSna 1 Jesung, father of 
Dastur Meherji Rana, it is stated that the 
wiiter wrote from a copy of Herbad Karya 
son of Btkajiv (Bhikaji. Vikaji). The MS. 
is dated Sanavat 1560. See Dr. Modi's Parsis 
ot Court of Akbar p, 169. 

t Parsi Prakash Vol. I p. 2. 



lated some of the Khordeh Avesta 
into Sanskrit, and produced a Pazend 
Sanskrit version of the Pahlavi 
Minokherd. Nerioshang was the 
contemporary of Hormazdiar Ramyar 
( See Dr. West's reply re : Dastur 
Meherji Rana above referred to.) 
In S. B. E. Vol. XXIV introd. p. 20 
Dr. West gave the 15th century A. D. 
as the date of Nerioshang, which was 
evidently incorrect). 

12th Century A. D. In this 
century the Parsis are said to have 
incited the Hindus against the Musal- 
mans of Cambay and in a riot des- 
troyed their mosque. This coming 
to the ears of Siddharaja Jayasimha, 
he supplied the means of rebuilding 
the mosque and minarets. (Elliot's 
Hist. II. 163-4). 

A. D. 1205. A Parsi priest 
named Mahyar returned to Uchh in 
the Punjab with a Pahlavi Vendidad 
MS. after residing 6 years in Seistan.* 
(See Dastur Darab P. Sanjana's 
Pahlavi Vendidad, introd. pp. 36-40) 

A. D. 1214. Mobed Horn Bah-' 
manyar came from Broach to Now- 
sari in the Yazdagardi year 583 (See 
Dastur Meherji Rana and Emperor 
Akbar p. 286 ).f 

A. D. 1257. (about) A Mobed 
named Kamdin Shahryar Neryosang 
Samand wrote some manuscripts, one 
of which was Ayibatkar-i-Vazorg- 
Mitro. This Mobed was most probably 
the grand-father of Peshotan Ram 
Kamdin Yaztyar (=" Shahryar") I 
Neriosang, Shahmart (or Gdyomard) 
(See Dastur Jamaspji Minocheherji's 
Pahlavi Texts Introd. pp. 6-34). 

A. D. 125O-13OO. Parsi and 
Nawayat Musalman refugees from 

* Prof. Westerguard, the Parsi PrakSsh 
and Dossabhoy Karaka give the date A. D. 
1184. Hist, of Parsis I. p. 38. 

t In the WttWM -OuicA the date is 
not correctly given. The Parsi PrakSsh 
gives A. D. 1215. 

J The word might be read Shatro-ayibSr 
or Yazt-ayiMft 

The reading Samand might be a corrup- 
tion of Shahmart or (Gdvomarf), 



Khulagu Khan's devastation of Persia 
came to Gujarat (Dr. G. A. Grierson's 
Linguistic Survey of India Vol. IX, 
Part II, p. 324). 

A. D. 1269. An Iranian priest 
named Rustam Mihrapan came to 
India (Dastur Darab's Vendidad, 
introduction p. 41). 

A. D. 1278. Rustam Mihrapan 
wrote a Vispard at Ankleswar. 

13th Century Zakariya-al- 
Kazwini says that Chaul (now called 
Revadanda) was inhabited by a 
number of Parsis in the 13th century 
(B. B. R. A. S. Vol. XII, p. 57). 

A. D. 13O3. Battle of Chitor 
in which the Parsis helped the Hindus 
by fighting with the Mahomedans 
under Ala-ud-Din. This battle forms 
the subject of the next chapter. 

A. D. 1309. A Dokhma was 
built at Broach by one Pestonji on 
the land of one Patel Dabhai Medash 
on Jeth Sud 2 Samvat 3365 (Parsi 
Prakas'h I, p. 4). 

A. D. 1322. A French bishop 
named Jordanus, who travelled as a 
missionary from Thana to Broach in 
A. D. 1320-1322 wrote: "There be 
also other pagan-folk in this India, 
who worship fire ; they bury not their 
dead, neither do they burn them, 
but cast them into the midst of a 
certain roofless tower, and there 
expose them totally uncovered to the 
fowls of heaven. These believe in 
two First Principles, to wit, of Evil 
and of Good, of Darkness and of 
Light." (Jule's Jordanus' Mirabilia, 
p. 21). 

A. D. 1323. Odoric an Italian 
monk who came to Thana in 1323 
said : "The people thereof (Thana) 
are idolaters, for they worship fire... 

and here they do not bury the 

dead, but carry them with great pomp 
to the fields, and cast them to the 
beasts and birds to be devoured." 
(C. H. Yule's Cathay Vol. I, p. 57- 
59). 

A. D. 1323-24. Mihrapan Kai- 
khusro great-grand-nephew of 



Rustam Mihrapan wrote two Pahlavi 
Yasnas, two Pahlavi Vendidads, and 
some other manuscripts for Chahal 
Sang of Cambay (Dastur Darab's 
Vendidad, introd. p. 41). Some of 
the MSS. were written in Thana (see 
Dastur Jamaspji's Pahlavi Texts Intro. 
p. 6 and text pp. 83, 167-168). 

A. D. 1383 A Pahlavi Nirang 
to kill noxious animals was written 
in 752 A. Y., the date being given 
in old Gujarati (Dastur Jamaspji's 
Pahlavi Texts, Introd. p. 8, text 
p. 170.) 

A. D. 1397 The manuscript M. 
6 of the Bundehishna was written at 
Broach in A. Y. 766 by Peshotan 
Ram Kamdin Sheheriar Nerioshang 
Shahmard Sheheriar Bahman Aura- 
mazdiar Ramyar. (S. B. E. Vol. V, 
introd. to Bundehishna. p. 48.) 

Note : Nerioshang Dhaval was a 
contemporary of Auramazdiar Ram- 
yar. He lived 8 generations (8X25 
years) before A. Y. 766, that is in 
A. D. 1197, which almost tallies 
with his date given above. Both 
Ram and Kamdin were learned 
men. The latter was probably a 
pupil of Mihrapan Kaikhusro. 

A. D. 1414. About 26 Behe- 
dins of Bulsar signed an agreement 
to the effect that they had requested 
the Nowsari Anjuman to lend the 
services of the Mobed named Sha- 
purji Rana for the performance of 
ceremonies. (Parsi Prakash I, p. 4). 

A. D. 1415 Ervad Rana Kam- 
din wrote a MS. containing Sanskrit 
and old Gujarati translations of the 
Iranian texts. (See Collected Sk. 
Writings of the Parsis Pt I. introd. 
p. VII.) The MS. belongs to Das- 
tur Hoshangji Jamaspji of Poona. 
It was written in A. Y. 784 corres- 
ponding to 



This manuscript contains an impor- 
tant note about Sanskrit Ashirwads, 
which runs thus : 

Hf$c4l*iiu: 

"These marriage 
been translated 



3HdlRdl. 
Ashirwads have 



56 



from the Pahlavi language into the 
Sanskrit language by Dinidaru 
(dasa) Bahman." 

Another MS. belonging to Dastur 
Kaikhusro Jamaspji containing 
Avesta and Sanskrit translation was 
written not earlier than Samvat 
1400 ; as in the Sk. Ashirwada we 
meet with the phrase tmc-y^f 
It must have been writ- 



ten before Samvat 1499 (A. D. 
1443), but after Samvat 1400 (A. D. 
1344). 

A. D. 1419. The Iranshah Fire 
was brought to Nowsari on 26th June 
1419 ( Parsi Prakash, p 5 ). Khan 
Bahadur Bomanji B. Patel doubts the 
correctness of this date. The date 
given in the MS. of Ervad Hormazdiar 
Framarz dated A. D. 1660 is Samvat 
1475 Maha Shehrivar, Roz Mares - 
pand, Akhad 5, Wednesday. (See 
Dr. J. J. Modi's Dastur Bahman Kai- 
kobad and the Kisseh-i-Sanjan 
p. 23) 

A. D. 143O.A medical book 
was written in Sanskrit for the son 
of an Andhiaru named Ardeshir. 
About this book Sir R. G. Bhandarkar 
says : In the class of works on 
Hindu medicine we have fragments 
of Charaka and Susruta Samhitas, 
and a copy of Vagbhata's important 
\vork the Ashtanga-yoga-hridaya, 
which however is incomplete. The 
last MS. was caused to be transcri- 
bed in the Samvat year 1486 at 
Brigu-Kshetra or Broach by 
Ardhhasera (Ardeshir), who was a 
learned Adhyaru or priest of the 
Parsika race for his son to stud} 
This shows that about 450 years ago 
Parsi priests valued and cultivated 
the study of Sanskrit lore. The 
following is an extract from the 
book : ^c <i #< $ qSf HWR 1 



I "OnMaghaVadlstintheyear 
Samvat 1486, on this day, Thursday, 
here in Bhrigu Kshetra, the com- 
pletion of the work (written) for the 
study of the son of the Adhyaru 



Ardeshir who is clever in the Parsi 
race, is written (by me)." (Report 
on the search for Sanskrit MSS. in 
the Bombay Presidency during 1882- 
83, pp. 35-36 and 221.) 

A. D. 145O. About the middle 
of the 15th century a king of Ah- 
madabad is said to have levied 
tribute from the Parsis of Chandauli 
(ChandravatiJ near Panch Mahals. 
(Burne's Account of Abu, 1828). 

A. D. 1478. The date of the 
earliest known Revayat brought by 
Nariman Hoshang. Eight years 
afterwards, he brought another 
Revayat from Iran.* 

* Darab Hamaziar's Revayat, Bombay 
University MS. Vol. I. pp. 11, 13, See also 
Dr. Modi's Parsis at the Court of Akbar, 
pp. 58-54. 



57 



CHAPTER No. 8. 
Battle of Sanjan. 

Let us now consider another im- 
portant event in the history of the 
Parsis which is referred to in the 
Kisseh-i-Sanjan. We are told that 
seven hundred years after the arri- 
val of the Parsis to India, a cala- 
mity came over them. The king- 
dom of the Hindu Raja of Sanjan 
was invaded by the Mahomedans 
under Alafkhan, the general of Sul- 
tan Mahomed. The Raja called his 
Parsi subjects to help him. Under 
the leadership of one .Ardeshir, an 
army of 1,400 Parsis fought with the 
Mahomedans and defeated them. 
Alafkhan then came with very large 
numbers. A second battle . was 
fought, in which all the Parsis and 
the Hindu Raja were killed. 

Now the question as to who the 
Sultan Mahomed and his general 
Alafkhan were, has been the subject 
of keen controversy for many years 
past. Dastur Framji Aspandiarji 
Rabadi, Dr. John Wilson, and Mr. 
Dossabhoy Karaka* thought that the 
Sultan was Mahmod Begda (A. D. 
1459-1511). This theory has in 
our times secured the support of 
Dr. J. J. Modi, Prof. Hodivala and 
others. 

Not being satisfied with this theory 
Sir James Campbell, the compiler of 
the Bombay Gazetteer, suggested an- 
other theory, namely that the Maho- 
medan ruler was Muhammad Shah or 
Ala-ud-din Khilji (A.D 1297-1317). 
He said : "The conqueror cannot 
be Mahomed Begda, as authorities 
agree that after long wanderings the 
Sanjan fire was brought to Nowsari 
early in the 15th century (A. D. 
1419). t Alafkhan may be Ulugh- 
khan, Ala-ud-din's brother, who is 
sometimes by mistake called Alp- 

* H&iuanama- pp. 122, 129, B. B. R. 
A. S. 1-182, Hist, of Parsis 1858 p. 16. 

t Mistake for A. D. 1416 (Dr. J. J. 
Modi's Few Events in Parsi Hist. p. 64). 



khan, * or he may be Alpkhan, 
Ala-ud-din's brother-in-law. Ulugh- 
khan conquered Gujarat (A. D. 1295- 
1297), and Alpkhan governed Guja- 
rat (A. D. 1300-1320)." (Bombay 
Gaz. XIII, pt. I, p 250). This 
theory was followed by Mr. Dossa- 
bhoy Karaka, who changed his 
former view. (Hist, of Parsis, 2nd 
ed-, p. 43). It has been accepted in 
our own times by Mr. Pallonji Desai, 
and others. 

Sanskrit Inscriptions. 

Scholars have thrown considerable 
light on the history of Ala-ud-din 
Khilji and Mahomed Begda. They 
have shown that Begda's conquests 
extended as far as Bassein, Mahim 
and even further in the South. 
Some have also stated that Ala-ud- 
din's conquests did not extend as far 
as Sanjan. t But it must be acknow- 
ledged, that in spite of all their 
efforts they have not come across a 
single direct historical reference, 
showing that a battle was fought at 
Sanjan by the Parsis with the Ma- 
homedans. There is however a 
Sanskrit epigraphic record, which, 
if correctly interpreted, shows that 
the Parsis fought with the Mohame- 
dans under Ala-ud-din at Chitor on 
behalf of the Hindu raja of the 
place. If this is the battle which 
the writer of the Kisseh i-Sanjan 
referred to, we are compelled to say 
that he has made a muddle by con- 
founding the location of the battle- 
field. If on the other hand the 
battle of Sanjan was different, Bah- 
man was grossly ignorant about an 

* Elliot's Hist, of India HI, 548. 

t See Dr. J. J. Modi's "A Few Events 
in Parsi History p. 65) In A. D. 1297 
Aluf Khan, Ala-ud -Din's brother, was sent 
with an army to reduce Gujarat. (Brigg's 
Hist, of the Rise of Mahomedan Power I. p. 
827), and according to Abul Feda, Sanjan 
was the last town in Gujarat (Elliot V, 
Dawson I. 408). In A. D. 1812 an army 
was sent to the Deccan under Mullik Kafoor 
who laid waste the countries of Maharashtra 
and Canara from Dabul to Choule, as far 
as Rachoor and Moodkul (Brigg's His. I. 
p. 879). Thus Sanjan may have been in- 
cluded in the conquests. 



58 



important event in the history of the 
Parsis. We admit that it is quite 
possible that the raids of Begda, 
which extended as far as Bassein, 
Mahim and Chaul, may have scared 
away the Parsis (if any) from their 
old colonies at Sanjan and neigh- 
bouring places, but from that we 
cannot infer that the Parsis fought 
with the Mohamedans at Sanjan. 

A collection of Prakrit and Sans- 
krit inscriptions has been published 
by the Bhavnagar Archaeological 
Department under the auspices of His 
Highness Raol Shri Takhtsingji, 
Maharaja of Bhavnagar. It contains 
a number of important Sanskrit 
inscriptions. One of them No. IX 
is a stone inscription placed at 
Udepur in Mewar in the temple 
of Ekalingaji, the tutelary god 
of the Sisodia kings of Mewar 
dated Samvat 1545 ( A. D. 1489 ), 
published on pp. 117 to 133 in the 
aforesaid book. It contains about a 
hundred Sanskrit Shlokas and gives 
an account of the different gifts of 
villages by the kings of Chitor for 
the maintenance of the temple. The 
verses Nos. 18 to 20 run as under : 

No. is 



No. 19 



No. 20 



The above Shlokas are thus 
translated in the book : 

( No. 18 ) " There were many 
kings like Bhoja, Khummana and 
others in the time of Bashpa, never 
flinching in battle; still one deserves 
mention, viz- Arisimha, who acquired 
great prosperity and was totally 
free from all sensual pleasures. ' 




(No. 19) "He (Arisimha) righting 
great battle for protecting mount 
Chitrakuta abandoned life in a mo- 
ment, but not the great fame acquired 
in the path of brave men. 
( No. 20 ) " As this Arisimha, who 
possessed a dauntless heart, fought 
with the Parsis, and worshipped 
Shankar with the flowers of the lives 
of the dead, his descendants are not 
abandoned by him ( Shankar )." 

Further up in verse No. 21 we are 
told, that "He (Arisimha) was 
succeeded by the sun-like Hamira." 
We may mention, that in verse No. 20 
the translator has omitted to translate 
the word f%^^, which shows, that 
the battle was fought at Chitrakuta * 
or Chitor. 

Battle of Variav. 

Let us for a moment accept the 
translation of the verse No. 20, as it 
is given in the book. It seems as if 
the Hindu king fought with the 
Parsis, killing many of them. Now 
we know with certainty about only one 
battle, which the Parsis fought with 
a Hindu Raja, and that was the battle 
of Variav. Two slightly different 
accounts of this battle are met with. 
The writer of the Bombay Gazetteer 
gives the following account : 

"Towards the close of the llth 
century, Parsis were one of the chief 
classes of traders in Cambay. It is 
stated, that the Parsi settlers enraged 
the Rajput chief of Ratanpur by 
refusing to pay tribute and defeating 
a body of troops sent to enforce the 
order. When a fresh force arrived 
from Ratanpur, the Parsi men were 
absent at a feast outside the limits 
of Variav, but the women donned 
the armour of their husbands and 
relations and opposed the troops 
valiently. When about to obtain a 
victor)', the helmet of one of the 
female warriors dropped and exposed 
her dishelled hair. On this the 
Ratanpur force rallied, and made a 

* Chitrakuta= Chitod ( Bom. Gaz. IPt. I 
p. 469.) 



59 



desperate assault. The women pre- 
ferring death to dishonour heroically 
drowned themselves. The day of 
this disaster (Fravardin month and 
Arshishvang roz) is still commemo- 
rated at Surat by special religious 
ceremonies. The year is unknown. 
(Bom. Gaz. IX pt. II, p. 185 ff). 

Mr. Dossabhoy Karaka relates the 
story thus : "A small Parsi colony 
had settled at Variav, which is si- 
tuated at some distance from Surat. 
It was at the time under the rule 
of the Raja of Ratanpur, a Rajput 
chief. This chief attempted to 
exact an extraordinary tribute from 
the Parsis, but the latter refusing to 
submit to the extortion, opposed and 
defeated the troops sent to enforce 
the demand. Unable to avenge 
themselves openly, the soldiers of 
the Raja sought an opportunity of 
supressing those, who had de- 
feated them in the field, and a 
marriage festival, to which all the 
Parsis in the place had been invited 
was chosen as affording the most 
favourable occasion for gratifying 
their cowardly revenge. Uncon- 
scious of what was impending, the 
Parsis were surprised in the midst 
of festivities, and together with the 
women and children were ruthlessly 
massacred by the ruffians." (Hist. 
of Parsis 3884, Vol. I, p. 49). 

It is easy to see that this could 
not be the same as the battle of 
Chitor in the inscription, according 
to which the Hindu king was killed 
in the battle. Also in verse No. 8 
of the stone inscription No. VI, 
dated A. D. 1429 (page 102, Col- 
lections by Bhavnagar State) it is 
stated that : 



"Arishnha was a king who was 
master of the art of using arms, who 
was like Kama in making gifts and 
in battle fields, whose greatness was 



known throughout the world, who 
possessed bright pure virtues, whose 
great name was worthy of being in- 
cluded in the first rank of the 
meritorious, and who was like a male 
Kokila (bird) in the gardens of justice, 
modesty and politeness" 

Such a virtuous, meritorious, just, 
modest and polite king could hardly 
be expected to order violence refer- 
red to in the stories of the battle of 
Variav. Indeed such a cruel act 
would hardly be suitable for any 
inscription. 

Hnnals of Ra jasthan. 

Again turning to Colonel Tod's 
Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan 
Vol. I. (p. 21 5) we find, that Ursi 
(a short form of the name of Ari- 
simha) was killed in the war with 
Ala-ud-din in or about 1?03 A. D. 
Therefore the battle at Chitor was 
not fought with the Parsis, unless 
they assisted the Mahomedans, 
proving treacherous to their kind 
Hindu masters a thing incon- 
ceivable in itself and for the reason 
that Ala's troops were never in need 
of any help. 

Parsis and Kings off Mewar. 

One further point, which has been 
already referred to, requires notice, 
namely that the Ranas of Mewar 
were traditionally connected -with 
the Sassanian kings of Persia. In 
support of the tradition Abul Fazl 
(A. D. 1590) says, that the Ranas 
of Mewar consider themselves des- 
cendants of the Sassanian Naushir- 
van, (A. D. 531-579), and Col. 
Ted quotes fuller details from the 
Persian history Maaser-al-Umra. No 
evidence seems to support a direct 
connection with Naushirvan. At 
the same time marriage between the 
Valabhi chief and Maha Banu, the 
fugitive daughter of Yazdagard the 
last Sassanian is not impossible. 
The suggestion that the link may 
be Naushirvan's son Naushizad, who 
fled from his father in A. D. 570 
receives support from the statement 



60 



of Procopius. According to the 
writer of the Bombay Gazetteer, 
the fire symbols on Mewar coins 
betray a more direct Sassanian in- 
fluence. (Tod's Annals I, 235 ; Bom. 
Gaz. I. pt. I. p. 102). 

From this we would at least expect 
that the Parsis were on good terms 
with the kings of Mewar. 

Correct Translation of 
Inscription. 

For all the above reasons, we are 
convinced that the translation of the 
verse No. 20 referred to above is not 
satisfactory, or at any rate it is 
vague. The reason is not far to 
seek. The translator did not care 
to consider the surrounding circum- 
stances. 

In Sanskrit the instrumental* case, 
when it is not followed by some such 
words as Tffl } ^fi[, &c. conveys two 
senses namely "with" and "by" or 
"assisted by." The Raja did not 
fight the Parsis, but he fought (with 
the Mahomedans) "assisted by the 
Parsis." We therefore translate the 
verses Nos. 19 and 20-as under: 

"While great battles were being 
fought for the protection of the fort 
on the mount Cnitrakuta, he Arisimha 
abandoned his life in a moment, but 
not the great fame acquired in the 
path of brave men. As this Arisimha 
who possessed a dauntless heart, 
fought a battle (assisted by) the Parsis 
at Chitrakuta and worshipped him 
(Shankara) with the numerous flowers 
of the lives of the enemies, he 
(Shankara) being fondly attached 
does not abandon his (Arisimha's) 
descendants." 

The writer uses a highly poetic 
style. Shankara or Shiva is the 
third god of the Hindu trinity, who 
is entrusted with the work of des- 
truction. Arisimha worshipped him 

* The instrumental denotes the instru- 
ment by which a thing is accomplished. 
Here the Parsis were employed a an instru- 
ment for the fight. Compare Raghu Vamsa 
VII-69 for construction and meaning. 



not with ordinary flowers, but flowers 
in the shape of the lives of the 
enemies. The enemies have not 
been named, either because the 
writer wanted to show his contempt 
and hatred or because they were so 
well known at the time that it was 
not necessary to name them.* The 
Rana's bravery met with its proper 
reward, namely that his line did 
not become extinct. 

Gould Parasikas be 
Mahomedans ? 

As already stated, it is possible 
that the Sanskrit passage in question 
may be explained to mean, that the 
Parsis helped the Mohamedans 
against the Hindus. That the Parsis 
would help a cruel and lustful em- 
peror like Ala-ud-din, who had a 
large army of his own, is simply in- 
conceivable. They would be the 
last to prove faithless and treacherous 
to the kind Ranas of Mewar. 

It would be ridiculous to urge 
that the word Parasikas may have 
been used for the Mahomedans. 
The word has been used by the 
Sanskrit writers for Parsis only. 
For instance, in the sixteen Sanskrit 
Shlokas, we read about the Parasikas 
in several places : 



' Those 
are we Parsis, noble-born, bold, vali- 

ant and very strong. " 

Also in the Ashtanga-yoga-hrdaya, 

we have just read :- 
3% 



"On Magha Vad 1st of the Sam- 
vat 1486 (A. D. 1430) on this day- 
Thursday Ardeshir a well-versed 
priest in a Parasika family caused the 
book to be written for the study of 

' Inscription No. VIII (dated A.D. 1440) 
of the Bhavnagar State Collection shovs 
that Bhuvanasinha fought with Ala-ud-diq 
and conquered him, 



01 



his son here in Bhrigu-Kshetra." 
(Report on the search of Sk. MSS, 
in the Bombay Presidency during 
1882-83 by R. G. Bhandarkar, pp. 
35-36 and 221). 

It will be noted that in the above 
passage the word HK*(N> was used for 
the Parsi only about half a century 
before the date of the inscription. 

Even in A. D. 1906 Ervad Shehe- 
riarji Bharucha calls his "Collected 
Sanskrit Writings of the Parsis " 



Many more instances might be cited 
to show that the Pdrasikas meant the 
Parsis and none else. * 

Moreover in the inscriptions re- 
lating to the kings of Mewar, the 
word used for the Mahomedan ene- 
mies is Turushkas or Turks ( See 
Bhavnagar State Inscriptions, pp. 94- 
107). 

Parsis not on good terms 
with Mahomed ans. 

It is needless to say, that the 
Parsis of olden times were not on 
friendly terms with the Mahomedans. 
In the 12th century A. D. mention 
has been made of the Parsi and 
Musalman riots in Cambay. One of 
the Musalmans, whose faction was 
worsted made his way to Anhilvada, 
and meeting the Chalukya king 
Sidhraj Jaysing (A. D. 1094-1143), 
complained to him that the Parsis 
and Hindus had attacked the Musal- 
mans, killed eighty of them, and 
destroyed their mosque and minaret. 
Subsequently the king heard enough 
to convince him, that the Musalmans 
had been badly used. He summoned 
to his capital Anhilvada two leading 
men from each class of the people 
of Cambay, Brahmans, Fire-worship- 
pers and others (Jains) and ordered 
them to be punished. At the time 
he made over to the Musalmans 
money enough to rebuild their 

* In the Pahlavi Text (Darakht-i-Asurik) 
the Pahlavi word Parsik is used for "Parsi" 
(See Dastur Jamaspji Minocheherji's Pah- 
lavi text) p. Ill, line 1st, word 6th). 



Mosque and towers. (Elliot's Hist. 
II, 162-164, Bom. Gaz. VI, 215). 

Parsis Spoken of Contempt 
uously by Amir Khusru. 

The following passage from the 
poem Ashika of Amir Khusru is im- 
portant, as showing that the Parsis 
were treated with contempt by the 
Mahomedan rulers of the time. 

In his encomium on Hindustan, 
the poet says: "From Gazni to the 
shore of the ocean you see all under 
the Dominion of Islam. Cawing 
crows ( crow-like Hindus) see no 
arrows pointed at them ; nor is the 
Tarsa (Christian) there, who does 
not fear (laras} to render the servant 
equal with God, nor the Jew who 
dares to exalt the Pentateuch to a 
level with the Koran ; nor the Magh 
who is delighted with the worship of 
fire, but of whom the fire complains 
with its hundred tongues. " ( Elliot's 
Hist. Ill, p. 546 ). 

As the writer of Bombay Gazetteer 
says, the above-said Maghs were the 
Parsis. * The above passage clearly 
shows that the Parsis were contemp- 
tuously treated by the Turks at the 
time. Evidently the poet wrote the 
passage, after all the nations had 
been reduced and made subject to 
the rule of Ala-ud-din. Supposing 
therefore that the Parsis helped 
Ala-ud din, we can hardly expect the 
poet who had accompanied Ala-ud- 
din at Chitor to speak about them in 
such contemptuous terms namely 
that "the fire complained about the 
Parsis with its hundred tongues." 
(Elliot's Hist. Ill, p. 77 ff). 

History of Mewar Kings and 
Conquest of Ala-ud-din. 

The Annals and Antiquities of 
Rajasthan by Col. Tod contain a long 
account of the kings of Mewar. The 
chapters IV to VI deal \ith the 
sovereigns from Bappa to Samarsi. 

* Magh=Maghu, Mobed, 



After Samarsi, Rahup * obtained 
Chitor in A. D. 1 201. From Rahup 
to Lakumsi, in the short space of 
half a century, nine princes of Chitor 
were crowned. Lakumsi succeeded 
his father in A. D. 1275. Bhimsi 
was the uncle of the young prince 
and protector during his minority. 
He had married the beautiful and 
accomplished lady Padmani. Ala-ud- 
din heard about this beautiful princess 
and he determined to march an army 
against Chitor. In course of time the 
Afghans reached Chitor. The Rajputs 
locked themselves in their rocky fort- 
ress. For a long time the fortress 
was besieged, but all in vain. Ala- 
nd-din at last sent a message to Bhim- 
si, that if he would allow him to see 
the image of his wife in a mirror, he 
would be satisfied and go away. The 
Rajput could see no harm in this. 
Ala-ud-din, unarmed, entered the 
fortress and saw the image, as he had 
desired. Ala-ud-din had shown his 
confidence in the honour of the 
Rajputs by entering their fortress 
alone. Bhimsi, to show confidence 
in the honour of the Turks walked 
also unarmed into their camp. But 
the crafty Ala-ud-din had prepared 
an ambush for the Rajput prince. 
Bhimsi was seized and carried away. 
Ala-ud-din now offered to deliver 
their prince to the Rajputs, if they 
would deliver Padmani to him. 
Great was the rage of the Rajputs 
at this dishonourable act. Padmani 
was informed of this, and together 
they thought of a scheme. The 
princess sent word to Ala-ud-din 
that she would come to his camp, 
accompanied by all her hand- 
maids in a manner befitting a 
princess. Ala-ud-din agreed to this, 
and no less than 700 palanquins 
were carried into the royal camp. 
One of them contained the queen, 
in the others were hidden bravest 
warriors of Chitor. Ala-ud-din had 
no intention of delivering up Bhimsi, 



* He changed the title of his family from 
the clan name of Gehlot to the Subdivisional 
name Sesodia (Gaz r India XIII, 403). 



but he was outwitted this time. No 
sooner was Bhimsi brought forward 
than the Rajputs leapt from the litters 
surrounded their prince and princess 
and cut their way in a body through 
the Turk warriors to their fortress. 
The siege was renewed by the Turks. 
Many brave Rajputs were slain, 
after making a havoc in Ala-ud-din's 
ranks. Ala-ud-din was defeated in 
his object and was obliged to desist 
from the enterprise for a short time. 
Having recruited his strength, he 
again attacked Chitor. The annals 
state this to have been in A. D. 1290, 
but Ferishta gives the date 13 years 
later. The Rana (Lakumsi) became 
anxious for the safety of his crown. 
During a night of watchful anxiety, 
he slept on his pallet, pondering on 
the means, by which he might pre- 
serve from the general destruction one 
at least of his twelve sons. A voice 
broke on his solitude exclaiming 
myn bhooka ho (I am hungry), and 
raising his eyes, he saw the majestic 
form of the guardian goddess of 
Chitor. "Not satiated," exclaimed 
the Rana, ' though eight thousand of 
my kin were late an offering to thee."? 
"I must have regal victims, and if 
twelve, who wear the diadem, bleed 
not for Chitor, the land will pass 
from the line." Thus said, she va- 
nished. On the second day she ap- 
peared again and said "On each day 

enthrone a prince for three 

days, let his decrees be supreme. 
On the fourth day let him meet the 
foe and his fate. Then only may \ 
remain." (Annals of Rajasthan I, 
214-15, also Index). A general 
contention arose among the brave 
brothers, who should be the first 
victim to avert the denunciation. 
Ursi urged his priority of birth. He 
was proclaimed, the umbrella waved 
ov^erhis head, and on the fourth day, 
he surrendered his short-lived ho- 
nours and his life. Ajeysi the next 
in birth demanded to follow, but he 
was the favourite son of his father 
and at his request he consented to 
let his brothers precede him. Eleven 
had fallen in turn, but one victim re- 



mained to the salvation of the city. 
A contest arose between the Rana 
and his surviving son, but the father 
prevailed, and Ajeysi in obedience 
to his commands, with a small band, 
passed through the enemy's lines 
and reached Kaihvarra in safety. 
The queens, wives, daughters and 
the fair Padmani all immolated 
themselves in a funeral pyre. The 
Rana threw open the portals, and 
with a reckless despair carried death 
and met it in the crowded ranks of 
Ala-ud-din. Thus fell in A. D. 1303 
this celebrated capital of Chitor in 
the conquest of Ala ......... Guarded 

by faithful adherents Ajeysi cherish- 
ed for future occasion, the wrecks 
of Mewar. It was the behest of his 
father, that after him the son of 
Ursi, the elder brother should suc- 
ceed him. This injunction met a 
ready compliance. Hammir was the 
son destined to redeem Chitor. 
(Annals of Rajasthan, pp. 212-217). 

Another Inscription. 

Now turning to the Sanskrit ins- 
criptions in the Bhavnagar collection 
we see that there is a complete geneo- 
logy of the Mewar kings in the ins- 
cription No. Vill of A. D, 1440. 
It mentions 41 kings, beginning 
with Bappa. Leaving the first 29 
kings, it is seen that the 30th king 
was Tejasvi-simha, 31st Samarsimha, 
32nd Bhuvanasimha, who is called 

(the 



descendant of Bappa and the con- 
queror of Shri Alla-ud-din Sultan), 
33rd Jayasimha, 34th Lakshmasimha, 
35th Ajayasimha, 36th his brother 
Arisimha, and 37th Hammir. 

It will be seen that Bhuvanasimha 
was Bhimsi, since the name Bhu- 
vanasimha would be contracted into 
Bhumsi and then corrupted into 
Bhimsi. We have already seen that 
Ala-ud-din became unsuccessful in 
his first attack of Chitor, which was 
resisted by the Rajputs under Bhimsi. 
Arisimha was undoubtedly Ursi. In 
the inscription No. V, Samarsimha is 
said to have rescued the submerged 



land of Gurjara from the ocean-like 
Turushkas or t Turks. From Tod's 
Annals we saw that Arisimha (Ursi) 
was the father of Hammir and bro- 
ther of Ajeysi. It was he who 
"urged his priority of birth and was 
proclaimed king, and on the fourth 
day he surrendered his short-lived 
honours and his life," while fighting 
with Ala-ud- din's troops. The author 
of the inscription rightly says that 
"he possessed a dauntless heart," 
and that in the great battle of Chitor 
"he abandoned life in a moment, but 
not the great fame acquired in the 
path of brave men." It was this 
Arisimha or Ursi whom the Parasikas 
assisted in the fight. 



Campbell 
fought 



on the Battle 
by Parsis. 



The fact that the Parsis helped 
the Hindus in the fight with Ala-ud- 
din has been long since poii.ted out 
by Sir James Campbell, but he too 
had not the battle of Chitor in his 
mind. He says : "Dr. Wilson CB. 
B. R. A. S. 1-1^2) suggested, that 
the Mahmud Shah of the Kisseh-i- 
Sanjan was Mahmud Begda, who 
reigned in Gujarat from A. D. 1459 
to 1513. The mention of Champa- 
ner as his capital makes it probable 
that the author of the Kisseh-i-San- 
jan thought, that the Musalman 
prince was the well-known Mahmud 
Begda. But the completeness of 
Alp Khan's conquest of Gujarat leaves 
little doubt, that Sanjan fell to his 
arms. The conqueror might possibly, 
though much less likely, be Muham- 
mad Shah Tughlik, who reconquer- 
ed Gujarat and the Thana coast in 
A. D. 1348. It cannot be Mahmud 
Begda, as authorities agree that after 
long wanderings, the Sanjan fire was 
brought to Nowsari in the fifteenth 
century (1419). Alp Khan may be 
Ulugh Khan, brother to Ala-ud-din, 
who is sometimes by mistake called 
Alp Khan, or he may be Alp Khan 
brother-in-law to Ala-ud-din. Ulugh 
Khan conquered Gujarat (1295-1297) 
and Alp Khan governed Gujarat 



(1300-1320). The Alp Khan of 
the text was probably Ulugh Khan. 
(Elliot III, 157-163). Neither Fa- 
rishtah nor the Ferozshahi has any 
reference to the Parsis. But Amir 
Khusru's (A. D. 1300) phrase " The 
shores of the Gujarat sea were filled 
with the blood of the Gabrs" (Elliot III 
549) almost certainly refers to or at 
least includes Parsis, as he notices in 
another passage (Elliot III-546), that 
among those, who had become sub- 
ject to Islam were the Maghs, who 
delighted in the worship of fire." 
(Bom. Gaz. Population, p. 187.) 

were Gabrs? 

Now the question is whether the 
Gabrs referred to above were Parsis. 
In Elliot's History of India Vol. Ill in 
the appendix, there is given an 
abstract of the poem named Asika of 
Amir Khusru. It is a kind of epic or 
historical poem, having for its main 
subject the loves of Dewal Rani, 
daughter of the Rai of Gujarat and 
Khizar Khan, eldest son of Sultan 
Ala-ud-din. Under the heading 
" Conquest of Gujarat, Chitor, Mal- 
wa, Siwana" we read as under : 

' The poet passes to the conquest 
of Ala-ud-din in Hindustan. Ulugh 
Khan sent against the Rai of Gujarat 
' where the shores of the sea were 
filled to the brim with the blood of 
Gabrs.' The conquest of Somnath, 
Jhain and Ranthambor whose ruler 
was Pithu Rai. This fort was two 
weeks' journey distant from Delhi 
and its walls extended for three 
parasangs. Terrible stones were 
sent against them with such force, 
that the battlements were levelled 
with the dust. So many stones were 
thrown, pile upon pile, that it would 
have taken thirty years to clear the 
road to one of the gates. The king 
took the Fort in one month, and made 
it over to Ulugh Khan. The con- 
quest of Chitor, which was named 
Khizrabad after Khizr Khan ( is then 

referred to ) After that the king's 

attention was directed towards the 
South. " 



Further up under the heading 
" the conquest of Telingava, Mabar, 
Fatan " we read: "There was 

another rai in those parts named 

Pandya Guru His capital was 

Fatan, where there was a temple 
with an idol in it laden with jewels. 
He had many troops and ships ; and 
Mussalmans and Hindus were in his 

service The rai, when the army 

of the Sultan arrived at Fatan, fled 

away The Mussalmans in his 

service sought protection from the 

king's army They then struck the 

idol with an iron hatchet and opened 
its head. Although it was the very 
kibla of the accursed Gabrs, it kissed 
the earth and filled the holy treasury. 
(Eliot's Hist. Ill, pp. 549-551). 

It will be clearly seen that the 
word Gabrs* is used for the Hindus 
in the last passage. Besides we see 
that the conquest of Gujarat took 
place in A.. D. 1297, that of Rutun- 
bhore in A.' D. 1299, whereas the 
battle of Chitor was fought in A. D. 
1303 ( Brigg's Hist. I, pp. 327, 337, 
353-4 ). Therefore the Parsis who 
fought for the Rana of Chitor could 
not be the Gabrs referred to by Amir 
Khusru. 

We must also bear in mind that 
Ala-ud-din sent Alp Khan (his brother) 
to conquer Gujarat and also Rutun- 
bhore; but he himself marched 
towards Chitor, which was reduced 
after a siege of six months ( Brigg's 
Hist. I, pp. 327, 337, 353 ). 

Mahmud Begda Fought 
at Barot. 

From the accounts given in the 
Tarikh-i-Ferista, Tabakat- i- Akbari, 
Tarikh-i-Alfi and Mirat-i-Sikandari, 
our learned friend Prof. Hodivala 
has pointed out, that in A. H. 869 
(A. D. 1465) Sultan Mahomed 
Begda fought a battle with a Hindu 
raja at Barad or Barot Hill, other- 

* Cf : Sutal Deo, a Gabr was the ra~ja of 
Siwana, near Delhi. Gabrs were worshippers 
of-stones and stone cows (Elliot III, pp. 18, 
83, 511). 



65 



wise known as Sanjan Peak or 
St. John's Point, situated about four- 
teen miles South of Sanjan. He has 
also shown, that the expedition 
against Sanjan must have taken place 
before A. D. 1478, since no notice is 
taken of the Parsis of Sanjan in Nari- 
man Hoshang's two Revayats, the 
first of which was written in 
A. D. 1478, and that therefore the 
Parsis of Sanjan were driven from 
their homes before that date.* As 
he observes, this last point goes de- 
cidedly against Dr. Jivanji Modi's 
surmise of the battle having been 
fought in A. D. 1490. 

Are we then to understand that the 
battle of Barotwasthe battle referred 
to in the Kisseh-i-Sanjan ? All the 
historical accounts agree in stating, 
that after reducing the fortress, the 
Sultan restored the country to the 
Raja on receipt of tribute. The 
Raja was thus alive after the battle, 
whereas according to the Kisseh he 
was killed. Prof. Hodivala had also 
seen the difficulty and was therefore 
constrained to remark as under: 
"We must suppose the raja of Barot 
to have been a different person alto- 
gether from the chief of Sanjan ; for, 
the Kisseh represents the latter to 
have been slain in the last day's 
battle." This is, we submit, an un- 
warrantable supposition. We think, 
that the fact of the rajS. being killed 
in the battle and the fact of the Parsis 
having fought for him are the essen- 
tial parts of the story, and any 
account which fails or omits to take 
notice of these points must be con- 
demned as irrelevant. We are there- 
fore compelled to think, that the 
theory of Mahomed Begda having 
fought with the Parsis at Sanjan 
must be abandoned. 

Conclusion. 

The Kisseh-i-Sanjan states that 
the general of the Sultan, who fought 
with the Parsis was named Alp Khan. 
Men of that name served as generals 



in the armies both of Mahomed 
Begda and Ala-ud-din Khilji, but no 
specific mention is to be found in the 
accounts of the battle of Barot or of 
the battle of Chitor, we have referred 
to. It appears, that facts belonging 
to different conditions of things are 
jumbled together by the writer of 
the Kisseh. He is quite correct 
when he says, that Mahmud Sultan 
or rather Muhammad Sultan fought 
a battle with the Parsis, who helped 
the Hindu rajS, and that the latter 
was killed in the fight; but he has 
wrongly located the battle at Sanjan, 
wrongly hinted that this Mahomed 
was the victor of Champaner and 
wrongly supposed that the Sultan's 
general took an active part in the 
battle. We fully concur with Prof. 
Hodivala, who says : "Nothing, 
indeed, can be a greater error 
than to suppose that Bahman 
was a great poet, a serious histo- 
rian or a man of multifarious 
and accurate scholarship. At the 
same time, he was not an ordi- 
nary man. He belonged to a family 
possessing remarkable literary apti- 
tudes and it would be folly to 

suppose, that all his statements are 
unworthy of credit. But it must 
be also recognised that he is occasion- 
ally out of his depth." 



* See Bom. Gaz. Pt. 11, p. 189. 



66 



CHAPTER No. 9. 

DATE OF THE 16 SANSKRIT 
SHLOKAS. 

Passages in the Sanskrit 
Shlokas referred to in the 
Kisseh'i'Sanjan. 

The writer of the Kisseh-i-Sanjan 
had evidently knowledge of the con- 
tents of the 16 Sanskrit Shlokas, * 
supposed to have been recited before 
the king Jadi Rana by the Parsi re- 
fugees from Iran. Whether he knew 
Sanskrit or whether he relied upon a 
translation while giving a summary 
of some Shlokas, we do not know. 
But we are inclined to think that he 
had a smattering of Sanskrit. The 
Shlokas referred to are found in 
the Couplets No. 165 and 168 to 181 
of the Kisseh-i-Sanjan. We shall 
see what passages of the Shlokas 
are referred to: 

Yakin ddni ke ma Yazddn-pafastim. 

"Know for certain that we are 
worshippers of Yazdan." This is 
taken from the Shtoka No. 1 %ft ^I'f^^ 

3fci ( or fft^t ) sapfa % | "Who (that 
is to say) the Parsis worship Ahura- 
mazda the lord of the Angels (or the 
Great Lord)". 

Couplets Nos. 168-169 : 



Adab ddrim az mahtdb o khurshid; 
Sedigar gdo rd bd db o at ash, 
Niku middrimash az har sefdtash. 

"We revere the Moon and the 
Sun, thirdly we esteem the cow, 
water and fire on account of their 
good qualities." 

The fact that the Parsis revered the 
Sun, fire and water is referred to in the 
Shlokas No. I and XII ; reverence to 
the moon is referred to in the Shlokas 
No. XI and XII, and that to the cow 

* These Shlokas have been edited by us 
in Rustom Paymaster's Kisseh-i-Sanjan and 
also in Dastur Hoshang Memorial Volume, 



in Shloka No. II, The phrase "on 
account of their good qualities" 
is important. It is an effort to trans- 
late eig^uHlf^mui in Shloka No. 1, 

on the part of Bahman, the writer 
of the Kisseh-i-Sanjan wrongly tak- 
ing it as an adjunct of ^fl^, |cl^t an d 
^RT each one separately. As a 
matter "of fact the phrase is an ad- 
junct of Hormazd. 

Couplet No. 170: 

Parastesh mikunim az dtash o db, 
Hamdn az gdo o az khurshid o mahidb. 

"We worship fire and water, also 
the cow, the Sun and the Moon." 
We might well ask why the worship 
of the fire, water &c. has been re- 
ferred to once again. The reason 
is that the worship of the sun, moon, 
fire and water is, as seen above, re- 
ferred to in two places in the Shlokas. 
The reverence to the cow is referred 
to in one place only; although it is 
indirectly referred to in Shloka No. 
XIV in which there is the expression 
H^flftj tf^W ^f^cT. The commentator 
takes T| to mean " qg ( cow ), 



(ox) &c." 

Couplet No. 171: 
Khudd dar dehad har chiz dfridast, 
Nemdzash mi barim u khud guzidasl. 

"Whatever God has created in the 
world, we pray to since He Him- 
self has approved of it." Besides 

fire, water, cow, sun and moon, the 
Shloka No. I mentions wind, earth 
and sky, which are referred to in 
the passage: "Whatever God has 
created in the world" by the author 
of the Kisseh. The expression "since 
He Himsself has approved of it" is, 
we think, an attempt to translate the 
words <T$R fRT< in Shloka No. I. 
Couplet No. 172: 

Hamdn kustimd haft ad o du tdr, 
Ba-bandim o bakhwdbim bddil abrdr. 

"This kusti of ours, with 72 
threads, we bind and we sleep with 
a pure heart." The first half of the 
couplet corresponds with 



in Shloka XIII: "Who 



67 



put on the sacred girdle, which is 
made of many threads." The second 
half of the verse has its original in 
the Shloka VII, where we read 
''without the 



girdle there is no sleep with fresh mind 
in other words, with the girdle there 
is sleep with pure mind." Bahman 
the author of the Kisseh has omitted 
the translation of the word ; 3TT. 

Couplets Nos. 173-174: 

Zandnhdi ke dar dashfdn nashinand, 
BaKhurshid o samd o meh na binand. 
Ham az db o ham az dtash bud dur, 
Azirdkdn bud az khwastah nur. 

" The women, who sit (apart) in 
monthly course, do not look to the 
sun, the sky and the moon. They 
keep at a distance from water and 
fire, since these things are of the 
essence of light." In Shloka No. XI 
Bahman seems to have read about 
women giving birth to children thus: 



Sfat cfwft ^ iffr: | And he takes this 
passage in connection with fgtw<!f- 
f^?IT: in verse No. IX. Taking ^ in 
the sense of "seeing" and JT^ to 
mean "windy sky," Bahman tries 
to render the passage as under : 
" Women in monthly course do not 
see the sky, fire, earth ( this word 
is omitted ), water, the moon, and 
the sun " &c. 3fat ^ff ?T iffa : is taken 
with -cm^^K. through mis- 



apprehension and is rendered thus : 
" Whose 3$ ( colour, that is light ) 
is not inferior. " This is the read- 
ing of P. S.,* which may well be 
supposed to have been consulted by 
the author of the Kisseh. 

Couplet No. 175 : 

Za har chiz mikunand parhiz bisiydr, 
Ba ruz ruskna o andar shab tar. 

They carefully abstain from all 
things, during the light of day-time 
and the darkness of night. " Here 
Bahman endeavours to translate the 

* PSrsi Smriti. This was an old and im- 
portant manuscript. 



two words ^cT^T 3tf*RcTT ' taking them 
with the women above-mentioned. 
( See Shloka No. XI ). The words 
are taken to mean : " They are 
always ( i. e. day and night) under 
restraint. " 

Couplet No, 176 : 

Nashinad ta ke zu dashtdn shud dur, 
Chu shuyad sar ba-binad dtash o hur. 

" So long as the menses disappear 
they sit ( apart ) and when they 
wash their heads, they see fire 
and the sun. " This couplet has 
been prepared from the following 
Sanskrit passages : 



( Shloka No. X. ) " The woman in 
menses sils apart on the earth. " 



( 2 ) 

(Shloka XI). " Who are engaged 
in silent prayers while worshipping 
the sun after ablution. " 

( 3 ) 3^fe^: (Shloka X) "Fire is 
to be worshipped. " This last ex- 
pression in Shloka No. X is torn from 
its context and applied to the women 
in menses. As a matter of fact, it is 
meant to be applicable to men. 

Couplets Nos. 177-178: 

Digar an aan kc u farzand'.zdyad, 
Chehal ruzash hami parhiz bayad. 
Chunan parhiz shay ad chun ke ddshtan. 
Na parhiz shayad khwdr hastdn. 

"Again the woman who begets a 
child must remain apart for 40 days. 
She must abstain herself just as when 
she was in menses ; if she does not 
do so, the things (she touches) be- 
come polluted." These couplets are 
the translation of the firsttwo lines 
of Shloka No. IX, 



In this Shloka there are two state- 
ments, one as regards women in 
menses and another regarding women 
who give delivery. Bahman omits 
the words ^K<l^l *% : and P uts 
in some such word as ^ after 



68 



..... He translates the 
Sanskrit passage thus : "Their wo- 
men who beget children become pure 
after a month from the time of de- 
livery ; they (sit apart) like women 
who are in menses; they thus become 
pure in body." Aspandiarji, Drum- 
mond and all Gujarati translators 
assume that females become pure 
after 40 days after delivery. That 
seems to be the old custom as we 
read in the Shloka XI, but the Sans- 
krit text here speaks of one month 
only. 

Couplets No. 179-181: 

Za zan farzand andak mi ke ay ad, 
Az an farzand ku murdah ba~zayad t 
Na harjdi ravad ya u batdzad, 
Aba kas goflo gut ham na sdzad, 
Hamdn zan nizbd parhiz bisiyar 
Chel digar ruz nashinad darinkar. 

"The woman who gives premature 
birth or birth -to a still-born child, 
cannot go or run about where she 
likes. She even cannot converse 
with any person. That woman with 
great abstinence sits apart for 41 
days." * The text for these three 
couplets is to be found in Shloka XI, 



mean four weeks. Ervad Jamshed 
Maneckji Rustomji in his Gujarati 
translation dated Samvat 1874 rend- 
ered the expression thus : 



"The woman who has given birth 
to a child does not move about for 40 
days. She observes silence, and 
sleeps little." In couplets Nos. 177- 
178 Bahman saw an allusion to 
women giving child-birth. He there- 
fore thought that the Shloka No. XI 
related to women who gave pre- 
mature birth or birth to a still-born 
child. This is not warranted by 
the Sanskrit text. We are at a loss 
to understand why (if our translation 
be correct) Bahman gives the 
period as consisting of 41 days in- 
stead of 40, as in almost all the 
manuscripts. In one MS. belonging 
to Ervad Tehmurasp Anklesaria, we 
read -qc=iiK<dHRiiM which might 

* Might mean " for another 40 days, " 
but we do not find anything in Sanskrit 
bearing this sense. 



Evidently his MS. also read 

T. He would not take 
with teg:, supposing ^ to mean |^q- 
JfltT and taking S^cH" with the second 
line. 

It will be seen that Bahman has 
in the Kisseh-i-Sanjan translated 
passages and expressions from Sans- 
krit Shlokas Nos. I, II, VII, IX, X, 
XI, XII, XIII, and XIV. The con- 
tents of the remaining Shlokas have 
been summarised in the Couplet 
No. 182 thus : 

digar har che rasma o rah budah, 
Hami dar pish u yak yak namudah. 

"And whatever other customs and 
rules they had were all described to 
him one after another." 

Raja grants permission to 
land. 

The 16th Shloka, as given in P.S., 
runs thus : 



"May Hormuzd, the chief of the 
gods, the giver of victory and the 
giver of great wealth and the giver 
of prosperity to children and grand- 
children protect thee, and destroy 
sins." Hearing this benediction the 
Raja said: "May you, who are 
Parsis, who are ever victorious, who 
are possessed of victory and power, 
and who carry much strength come 
at pleasure, and obtain prosperity." 
The contents of this Shloka may be 
compared with the Couplets Nos, 14J 



69 



and 185 in the Kisseh-i-Sanjan, 

where we read: 

Duayash kard o gofl ay rat rdydn. 

Haman hukma karda an niku rdya, 
Ke dar mulk mard sdzid mdwdya, 

"He (the Dastur) gave him bene- 
diction and said O king of kings 

The very moment the good Raja 
ordered them to take their residence 
in his kingdom." 

Five Conditions Imposed 
by the Raja. 

It is stated in the Kisseh-i-Sanjan 
that before allowing the Parsi re- 
fugees to land, the Raja wanted to 
know whether they would accept 
the following five conditions, 
namely: (l) that they should give 
him some information about their 
religion, (2) that they must give up 
the language of Iran and speak the 
language of India, (3) that their 
women must put on clothes like 
Hindu women, (4) that they must 
lay aside weapons and swords and 
(5) that good works such as marri- 
ages should be performed in the 
evening. * Bahman tells us that 
the Parsis accepted all these con- 
ditions. 

Now the question is where did 
Bahman get all this information 
from. We do not know whether the 
Sanskrit Shlokas were actually recited 
before the Raja. It seems highly 
probable that an account of the 
religion and customs was given to 
the Raja at his request, and that 
later on when the Parsis acquired 
good command over the Sanskrit 
language, the account was versified. 
It may be that the Raja imposed 
the condition that the Parsis should 
in political and other matters use 
the Hindu language. But what 
shall we say about the condition that 
the Parsis should give up their 
language of Iran ? Also if the females 
were made to put on clothes like 
Hindu women, we might well ask 

* See Couplets Nts. 168-160. 



why the males were not put under 
similar compulsion. Our opinion is 
that either Bahman or some one 
before him in comparatively recent 
times, looking to the then customs 
of the Parsis was, on the strength of 
certain passages in the Sanskrit Shlo- 
kas, led to put forward the theory 
that the Parsis who revered their old 
customs, could only have been 
compelled by the Raja to accept 
Hindu customs. That some Parsis 
knew Sanskrit pretty well in the time 
of Nerioshang follows from the fact 
that his translation was made in the 
Sanskrit language for pupils, non- 
pupils and others.* The knowledge 
of Pahlavi and Pazand gradually dis- 
appeared and their place was taken 
up by Sanskrit, which was the com- 
mon language, and learned Mobeds 
may well have tried to hide their 
ignorance of their religious tongues 
under the pretext that the Raja com- 
pelled them to give up Iranian lang- 
uages. The second line of the 4th 
Shloka is thus read in P. S. 



apply to their 



" Whose females 
bodies ^Jfa &c. " 

Now turning to the other MSS. we 
find that the ladies are said to have 
"put on" tj^*ii<q^ ( sandal and other 
things). The question as to what 
3TT?J^ could be, was not difficult 
to answer; it was meant for "fragrant 
substances." But it seems, that 
some one seeing that the dress of 
our females was adopted from the 
Hindus started the theory that the 
Parsi ladies were compelled to dress 
like Hindu females by the king 
Jadi Rana. 

* In his introduction to the translation of 
Ijashne for instance Nerioshang says: 



" I, Nerioshang Dhaval, have translated 
this book of Ijashne-zand from Pahlavi-zand 
into Sanskrit language for being easily 
understood by good pupils> non-pupils, and 
learners (priests). " 



70 



In Shloka III we read : 



* 



"Who put on a clean sacred garment 
(Sudreh) which has the quality of 
a coat-of-mail." The comparison of 
the Sudreh with a coat-of-mail may 
have induced some one to believe 
that at the time when the Shlokas 
were written, armoured dress had 
disappeared from among the Parsis, 
and that the Sudreh was the only 
dress, which reminded one of their 
war- like habits. Now the Parsis 
were a military nation when they 
landed in India. Therefore it was 
concluded that they must have been 
compelled to lay aside arms by the 
Raja. 

In Shloka IV we read : 



" Melodious songs are sung and mu- 
sic is played at auspicious marriage 
ceremonies on auspicious days men- 
tioned ( to them ). " 3^d^R^ 
means"on auspicious days mentioned" 
of course, by mobeds, astrologers and 
others but some one took ^TcT 
to mean "as ordered by the king," and 
seeing the custom of the performance 
of marriage ceremony in the evening . 
he started the theory that it was 
under compulsion from the Raja 
that the custom was adopted by the 
Parsis. 

Thus then in our opinion an ex- 
planation of the five conditions, 
which were alleged to have been 
imposed by the Hindu king, is found 
in the 16 Sanskrit Shlokas them- 
selves. It seems to us that the tra- 
dition in the Kisseh-i-Sanjan about 
our arrival to India, was based on 
these Shlokas and the inscription of 
the Chalukya king Vinay^ditya (A. * 
D. 697). 

Date of the Shlokas. 

It is not known when the Sanskrit 
Shlokas were written. There are 



however a few points, which help us 
to determine the date approximately. 
We have no doubt whatever that 
these Shlokas must have been writ- 
ten by some learned Parsi, since a 
Hindu could hardly be expected 
to use such technical words as 
Hormazd, Yazads, Kusti, Atash, and 
Nyasa,* and such Pahlavi words 
as 53 puhal, f^frT (Veh dindn}} &c. 

That these Shlokas existed in the 
time of the Kisseh-i-Sanjan (A. D. 
1600) is quite certain, since Bahman 
has, as we have already seen, given 
a summary of some of the important 
Shlokas. The date oan be pushed 
back to A. D. 1567 when Chanda- 
Prakasha was written. This book 
was composed in Sanskrit verses by 
a Mobed named Chanda on the 
question of intercalation. After re- 
ferring to the ceremonies to be per- 
formed in the intercalary month, 
the author mentions the things to 
be given to learned Mobeds in 
charity. The Shloka No. 17 in his 
book runs somewhat incorrectly 
thus : 



"Sweet food and eatables should 
always be given to learned persons, 
also land, cloth, gold, cow, horse and 
other gifts in the (intercalary) year 
also woollen Kusti and good Sudreh 
which has a great merit ; also wine, 
milk and rupees. Money should 
always be given with rows of pearls, 
given in good vessels and jars." 

The writer of this Shloka has evi- 
dently borrowed some of the phrases 
and expressions from the Sanskrit 
Shlokas Nos.Vand III. The first line 
of the above Shloka may be compared 



See also Shloka XIII. 



* See Shlokas I, XI, III, XVI, XII, 
t ShlokasV,XI. 



71 



in Shloka V. The words 

and <%$% are met with in Shloka III. 

The expression ^fi^lps is the same 

as in Shloka II. Even the very 
metre appears to be the same as that 
of the Shlokas, namely Sragdhard. 

The Chanda-Prakasha enables us 
to see that Parsi scholars of the time 
had very imperfect acquaintance with 
the Sanskrit language. The Sans- 
krit kolophon of Meherban Kai- 
khusru dated Samvat 1378 also shows 
that the then Parsis could not write 
good Sanskrit. * It seems almost 
certain that since the time of Nerio- 
shang a decay or deterioration had 
set in, which grew worse and worse 
in course of time. On the other 
hand the perfect metre, felicitous 
expressions and well-arranged com- 
pounds in the 16 Sanskrit Shlokas 
leave no doubt in our mind that they 
must have been composed in the 
time of Nerioshang or even earlier. 

Was Nerioshang Dhaval the 
Writer of the Shlokas ? 

It is not difficult to see that the 
Sanskrit Shlokas were meant to 
explain our religious matters clearly 
to the Hindu Raja, or at any rate 
to the Hindu people. This is prov- 
ed by such expressions as 
$pm (Shloka XIII), Si 
( Shloka III. ) and HMII-f-KJ ( Shloka 
XIII ) as applied to our Kusti. In 
the Hindu scriptures Agni is called 
^^Rt *pf ( mouth of gods ); similarly 
in Shloka XVI Atash is called 
^l^^^-y ( mouth of Hormazd ). The 
Muktad days are spoken of as srngj^S 
in Shloka X. Offering of dry Sandal- 
wood to fire is spoken of as ^JTT in 
Shloka VIII. Now so far as we 
know, Nerioshang Dhaval never 

* It is true that a manuscript of a medical 
book was caused to be transcribed in Samvat 
1486 (A. D. 1430) at Broach by Ardeshir, 
who was a learned Andhiaru, for his son to 
study. (See Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on 
Sk. MSS. 1882-88). But we do not know 
whether this medical student could write 
good Sanskrit. 



wrote for the Hindu people. There- 
fore he could not have been the 
author of the Shlokas. There are 
two other cogent reasons for arriving 
at the same conclussion. 

The doctrine of dualism is referred 
to in Shloka VI, and the two spirits 
are spoken of as 



the two limitless beings, the 
creator and the destroyer." In 
Nerioshang's translation of the Yasna 
XXX- 3 the two spirits are said to be 
Hormuzd and Ahriman. This shows 
that the writer of the Shlokas must 
be different from Nerioshang. 

Nerioshang always translates the 
Avesta word Fravashi(Pah\\\ Farohar] 
by 21%. * But in Shloka X, the 
word used is fq^ ; which shows that 
the writer could not be Nerioshang 
and that he selected this technical 
word, so that it may be easily under- 
stood by the Hindus. 

Date Determined 
Approximately. 

P. S. seems to be a very old 
manuscript, since it is the only 
manuscript, which contains a refer- 
ence to the "worship of the cow" 
and as the Kisseh-i-Sanjan also 
refers to "cow- worship," it is reason- 
able to assume that Bahman had 
P. S. before him. Now in P. S. the 



expresson FJ^fl-^iPT occurs n 
Shloka VII, where the word ^ is 
used in a good sense. Turning to 
Nerioshang's translation, we find 
that the Avestan word daeva is not 
translated by him anywhere but is 
transcribed as ^ in the sense of 
a "demon." In the Sanskrit Ashir- 
wada in the manuscript HI belong- 
ing to the late Dastur Hoshangji 
Jamaspji of Poona, (dated Samvat 
1471A. D. 1415), the word daeva. 
( ^ ) is rendered as <faf (demon) ; 
and the word has continued to bear 
this meaning down to our own time. 

* See Ervad Sheheriarji Bharucha's 
Collected Sk. Writings II, Note 98. 



72 



Accordingly we think that the word 
^ ceased to be used in a good 
sense (namely, for "a good god") 
from the time of Nerioshang at least. 
We are therefore inclined to place 
the date of the Shlokas before 
Nerioshang's time. 

The expression sfftT: (bold), 
( great warriors ), and 



( possessed of great strength ), all 
show, in our opinion, that the mar- 
tial spirit was still alive. The 
: (in ShlokaXV) 



ex 

shows that the glory of the Parsis 
was the subject of talk at the time. 
These expressions and the last Shloka, 
in which according to P. S. the king 
grants permission to the Parsis 
to come and live in prosperity " 



prove that the Shlokas must have 
been composed some centuries 
before the time of Nerioshang. 

The word jffr is usually taken 
to mean " white." That sense would 
hardly be in keeping with the words 
&c. Could it be that 



that word was meant for the people 
known as Gauras or Gabras, a name 
which came to be used in a bad 
sense in later times ? In our opi- 
nion this word Gabra was connected 
with* the name of the Gaobarah 
Sepehbads, whose dynasty ended 
with the Sepehbud Khorshed in the 
reign of Khalif Mancur (A. D. 754- 
775.) If the warlike spirit had not 
disappeared, the Shlokas may be 
supposed to have been composed 
shortly after our arrival in India. 
But there are other considerations. 

It is stated in verse No. XIV that 
if an animal was killed by any one 
even accidentally, he had to drink 
u^jo^. This surely was a Hindu 
custom ; and we may well suppose 
that between the time of our arrival 
and the adoption of this custom, 
about a couple of centuries may have 
passed. Since the Shlokas were in 
our opinion written before the time 



of Nerioshang, we think that in 
view of the above Hindu custom, 
which had most probably disappear- 
ed in the time of the Revayats, and 
in view of the fact that foreigners 
like the Parsis would require at least 
a couple of centuries to get complete 
mastery over such a difficult langu- 
age as Sanskrit, the date cf the 
composition of the Shlokas may be 
placed somewhere near 900 or 
1000 A. D. 



Gaobar=GaT-bar=Gab-bar=Gabar. 



73 



CHAPTER No. 10. 

THE MAGAS OR THE SO* 

CALLED MAGUS IN THE 

BHAVISHYA PURANA. 

Story of Samba. 

Some scholars have" relied upon 
certain passages in the Bhavishya 
Parana to show that the Magas or 
" silent worshippers of the Sun from 
Saka-dwipa," were " the fire- worship- 
pers of Iran residing in India. " 
With a view to see clearly what the 
customs and practices of these so- 
called Indian Parsi priests were, it is 
necessary to give a literal translation 
of some of the chapters dealing with 
the Magas in the Bhavishya Purana. 

By way of introduction we shall 
first give a very brief summary of the 
story of the Magas, as related by 
Dr. Wilson : Samba, the son of Kri- 
shna, who was a prince, became le- 
prous through the imprecation of the 
irascible sage Durvasas, whom he had 
offended. Despairing of a cure by 
human skill, he went from Dwarka, 
and having crossed the river Chan- 
drabhaga ( Chinab ) went to Mitra- 
vana, where by fasting and prayer, 
he acquired the Sun-god's favour and 
was cured of his disease. Out of 
gratitude, he built a temple of the 
Sun. Samba wished to keep Brahmans 
for performing rites and for receiving 
the donations he would make in honour 
of the Sun ; but he was told, that 
according to the Hindu religion, the 
Brahman who performed idol worship 
as a source of emolument was to be 
condemned. He was therefore asked 
to go to Gauramukha, the Purohita 
to Ugrasena, king of Mathura, who 
would tell' him about the priests he 
wanted to employ. Samba was then 
told to go to Saka-dwipa to bring the 
Magas.* 

* As the writer of the Bombay Gazet- 
teer says, tales were invented to explain the 
admission of the Magas into Brahmanism 
(Bom. Gaz. IX, p. 439-440). 



Then Dr. Wilson gives details of 
the customs and religious practices of 
the Magas, and concludes " these 
details are more than enough to esta- 
blish the fact, that the Bhavishya 
P urana intends by the Magas, the 
Mughs of the Persians, the Magi of 
Greeks and the Parsees of India. " 

Samba becomes leprous. 
(Brahma Parva, Chapter 66). 

Samba says to Vashishta : ' The 
irascible sage Durvasas was laughed 
at by me through intoxication ; then 
I acquired great leprosy through his 
imprecation ( ?TR ) ( 30. ) After- 
wards I, who was stricken with the 
disease of leprosy, went to ( my ) 
father, and with shame spoke these 
words very arrogantly (31): 
" O father, my body burns, my voice 
falters, the great disease of terrible 
form kills my body ( 32 ). I, who 
am wholly distressed, am suffering 
on account of a cruel act ; pacifi- 
cation is not likely to be attained by 
me through physicians or drugs. 
Therefore I (who am) such, wish 
to give up my life with your permis- 
sion. If I am to be favoured 
(=kindly) grant me permission". 
( 83-34). The father, who was 
told thus, became afflicted with the 
sorrow of the son. He then thought 
for a moment, and spoke thus to 
him (38): "Oson, take cou- 
rage : do not let ( your ) mind be 
sorrowful ; ( for ), a disease kills a 
sad person, just as (= as easily as) 
wind (blows away) dry grass-( 36). 
O son, be devoted to the worship of 
the gods, do not be sad " ( 37). 



Note : Samba is then asked to 
worship the Sun. Leaving several 
Chapters we read as under. 



74 



Samba is cured of leprosy 

Brahma Parva, 

Chapter 127. 

4 

Samba says: "O sire, I am going 
to the forest ; you should give me 
permission ( 5). (Then) he, who 
was given permission by Krishna, 
went from the northern shore of 
the Indus, and crossed the great 
river Chandrabhaga ( = Chinab) 
( 6). Then having gone to Mitra- 
vana, the Tirtha which was well 
known in all the three worlds, and 
having observed a fast ( there ) 
Samba muttered a secret incantation 
and worshipped the Sun ( 7-8), 

[ Having prayed to the Sun, he 
asked the following boon ]. 

" May the impurity, which is 
located in my body be destroyed by 
thy favour, so that, O Sun, the whole 
of my body may be clean. " The 
Sun said, "very well"; (then) 
Samba did cast away that disease 
from (his) body, just as a snake 
casts off skin (f 27-28). Then he 
became beautiful again with a divine 
appearance, and bowing to the god 
with his head, he stood before him 
( 29). The Sun said, "Hear again, 
O Samba! I am pleased, and I say 
to you, O devoted one, that from 
to-day people (will be) faithful to 
those, who erect holy shrines (con- 
nected) with thy name for me in 
this world. Place me (in a shrine) 
on this auspicious bank of the 
Chandrabhaga (river), O Samba; 
by thy name this city will be 
very famous.-.." 

Samba acquires Sun's 

idol Brahma Parva, 

ehapter 129. 

Then Samba, accompanied by 
other men practising penance, went 
to the river Chandrabhaga, at not a 
very great distance (from it), for plac- 
ing (the idol of the Sun in a shrine). 
( 2). Having called to mind the 
round form of the Sun, he daily took a 
bath with devotion, and while bathing, 



he contemplated over the form (of 
the image), he should put up. 
Having taken a bath, (one day) he sud- 
denly saw in front of him, the shining 
image of the Sun, being carried by 
the waves of water ( 3-4). Hav- 
ing taken it out, he placed it in 
that region of Mitravana ( 5 ). 
Samba, having placed the idol of 
that great Sun in the world, and 
having established the Sun god (f*T*t) 
in that beautiful Mitravana with devo- 
tion, asked that very image of 
the Sun with a bow, " O Lord, who 
created this thy image, which is 
beautiful ? " ( 6-8). The image 
said to him, " Hear, O Samba, I will 
tell you, who created this worldy 
form of mine. Formerly my form 
was enveloped with great lustre, 
and it was unbearable for any creature. 
I was therefore requested by the 
gods, thus: "May thy form be 
one, which will be bearable by all 
the creatures." Then I ordered 
Vishva-Karma, whose austerities were 
great, thus: "Having pacified 
(= lessened the effect of ) the lustre, 
change my form ( 9-11). After- 
wards He by my order having gone 
to Saka-dwipa changed my form 
( 12). Then having formed me 
on the Himalaya Mountain, which 
is inhabited by Sidhhas (= inspired 
sages), he caused me to be brought 
down for thy sake to the Chandra- 
bhaga "( 14). 

Samba asks Narad a about 

temple Brahma Parva, 

Chapter 130. 

Then Samba goes to Narada and 
asks: "How is the temple to be 
made and in what region, O best of 
Brahmans; what (kind of) temple 
is enjoined to be made, O twice- 
born, for the god of gods"( 7). 

Having heard Ndrad's reply, 
Samba says: 

" In that region, the best temple of 
the Sun shall be made " (flf&M 

( 400 



75 



Magas, Zarthushtra, Padan 

Hvyanga Brahma Parva, 

Chapter 139. 

Sambasays to Narada: "Through 
your favour I obtained this my ori- 
ginal appearance, and also (got) perso- 
nal audience with the great Sun. Hav- 
ing got all this, my mind is again over- 
powered by anxiety, as to who will 
do the continuation ( lit' the keeping 
up ) of the Sun's worship. O Brah- 
mana, you should in order to oblige 
me, tell ( me ) about the twice -born, 
possessed of virtues, and able to 
continue ( the worship ). " Thus 
spoken to by Samba, Narada returned 
him answer: "The Brahmans do 
not accept money offered to the 
Devas. Wealth remains ( behind ) 
in this world. ( Therefore ) virtue 
is to be obtained ; the ceremony 
which is done for money obtained 
through worship of a god is not holy. 
Those Brahmans, who disregarding 
( this rule ), do the ceremony over- 
come by greed are low Brahmans in 
this world, and are unfit to sit in the 
same row with caste-people(3Tqr=ficT?T:). 
That man of wicked soul, who lives 
through avarice on god's wealth or 
Brahman's riches, lives on the leav- 
ings of a vulture's food. Therefore 
no Brahman should do the service of 
god ( for money ) (1-7). The 
god ( Sun ) only will be able to tell 
you about the man, who knows the 
ceremony, who is learned and who is 
fit to do the service ; therefore go to 
him for assistance. Or O Lion of 
the Yadus, go to Gauramukha, the 
family priest of Ugrasena, and ask 
him. He will fulfil your desire " 
( 8-9 ). Thus spoken to by 
Narada, Samba, the son of jambavati, 
having gone to the Brahman Gaura- 
mukha, who had finished his religi- 
ous duties of the forenoon, spoke 
these words with modesty : " By 
the favour of the Sun, I have made a 
large house (f^5 JJf) ( 10-12 )... 
I have furnished it with everything and 
have placed the idol; therefore I wish 
to give donations, which I am think- 



ing of, to worthy persons. O great 
sage, accept all ( I want to give you ), 
if you love me." Hearing these words 
of Samba the great sage replied 
(13-14). 



Note: The reply is given at 
great length, but the purport is that, 
a Brahman should not accept any 
donation, nor should a king give any- 
thing to a Brahman for the service 
of god. 



Samba said : " If the Brahmans 
are not to accept ( the donation ), to 
whom shall 1 give it ; you should tell 
me what you may have heard or seen" 
( 27 ). Gauramukha replied : 

O king, hand over this city 
to Maga ; his is the right to the 
grains offered to the gods " ( 28). 
Samba said : " what have you 
been told about this Maga, in what 
place does he stay, whose son is he, 
O best of Brahmans, what is his 
appearance like"? ( 29). Gauramu- 
kha replied, " he who is spoken 
of as Maga, is a divine excellent 
Brahman ; he is the son of the Sun 
( 3). O Yadava, the goddess Nik- 
shubhsi, who is worshipped by the 
people, having been cursed, acquired 
human form and came to this world 
from the Sun (world). Her family 
(jfhf) was known as Mihira ; it 
possessed the J>est quality of Brh- 
manhood. There was formerly a 
pious son of a Rishi, named Sujihva; 
to him a daughter was born named 
Nikshubha. That good dame was 
matchless in form, and was consi- 
dered most beautiful in the world 
( 31-34). By her father's orders, 
that girl was thrown into fire ( 85 ). 



76 



While she was being thrown into 
fire according to law, the Sun, the 
god of gods, saw her. Then that Lord 
of the gods became fascinated by her, 
who was endowed with beauty and 
youth, and thought (thus): "How 
shall I marry her. This fire, which 
is worshipped by the gods, has been 
kicked by her. Having entered 
the forest, I shall marry that thin- 
bodied one, who is worshipped by 
the people' ( 35-38). 

Thus thinking, the Sun of nume- 
rous rays, entered the fire and at 
that time became its ( = fire's) son. 
TJien she, who had charm, loveliness, 
beauty, youth and broad eyes, jump- 
ed over the burning fire. He ( the 
fire god's son ) became angry, and 
assuming his own form saw the girl 
and was afflicted. The fire ( =fire- 
god's Son ) then caught (her) hand 
with (his) hand, and spoke, O Lion 
of the Yadus, thus : " The sun 
has not arisen, as you have aban- 
doned the rites enjoined by the 
Vedas and jumped over me, ( 39- 
42). Therefore (although) begotten 
by me, that one known as Jarashabda, 
tbe increaser of the fame of his 
family, will not be (regarded as my) 
son " ( 43 ). 



Note : The name farashabda 
was probably a bad reading for 
farashashda. 

The story of Jarashabda given here 
closely resembles the account about 
Zarathushtra given in the Dinkard 
Book VII, Ch. II 3-7. There it is 
stated that the Kh'ureh (Divine 
glory) flying on to the Sun, the 
moon and the stars, joined with the 
Atash ( fire ) which was kept in the 
house of Zois. Subsequently it left 
the Atash and joined with the wife 
of Frihimrava-Zois. This lady gave 
birth to Zoroaster's mother Dughdd, 
who, when she was born, had such a 



shining face, due to the Khufeh in 
her, that darkness was dispelled by 
her presence. Now in the story of 
the Bhavishya Purana, the lady named 
Nikshubhct is the mother of Jara- 
shabda, and the Sun who married 
the damsel seems to be Khureh. If 
Frihimrava is a corrupt form of Fra~ 
humrava (= the good speaker), his 
name may be identified with Sttjihva 
(=the good tongued one ). Thus it 
appears that the writer of the Bha- 
vishya Purina has adopted the story 
about Zoroaster given in the Dinkard 
(S. B. E. Vol. 47, pp. 18-19). Could 
he have taken it from the Dinkard 
itself ? An answer in the affirmative 
is "not impossible, " in view of the 
fact that much later events are 
referred to in the Bhavishya Purana. 

Bhandarkar's Recount 
of Magas. 



! Sir Ramkrishna Bhandar- 
kar gives an interesting account of 
the Magas in his book, ' Vaishna- 
vism, Saivism" &c. (pp. 153-155 ), 
from which we quote the following 
important, though somewhat long, 
passage : 

" Varahamihira ( in Brhatsamhita, 
Chap. 60, 19 ) tells us, that the 
installation and consecration of the 
images and temple of the Sun should 
be caused to be made by the Magas, 
and generally those who worship a 
certain deity according to their special 
ritual should be made to perform the 
ceremony concerning that deity. This 
shows that the Magas were, accord- 
ing to Varahamihira, the special 
priests of the sun-god. There is a 
legend concerning this matter in the 
Bhavishya Purina ( Chap. 139 ). 
Simba, the son of- Krishna by Jamba- 
vati, constructed a temple of the Sun 
on the banks of the Chandrabhaga, 
the modern Chenab in the Punjab, 
and no local Brihman would accept 
the office of a regular priest of the 
temple. He thereupon asl^ed Gaura- 
mukha, the priest of Ugrasena. He 
was told to get Magas, who were 
special sun-worshippers from Sctka- 



77 



dwipa. Then is given the history of 
the Magas. Sujihva was a Brahman 
of the Mihira Gotra. He had a 
daughter of the name of Nikshubha, 
with whom the sun fell in love. The 
son of these two was called Jarasha- 
bda or farashasta, and from whom 
sprang all Magas. Thereupon Samba 
went on the back of Garuda, his 
father's vehicle, to Sakadwipa, 
brought some Magas from it and 
installed them into the office of 
priests of the temple, he had 
constructed. 

" The Magas have long been known 
in the literary history of India. 
There is an inscription at Govinda- 
pur in the Gaya District, dated Saka 
1059, corresponding to 1137-38 A. 
D., in the opening stanza of which 
the Magas, who sprang from the 
Sun, are represented to have been 
brought into the country by Samba... 
There are traces of the Magas else- 
where, and there are Brahmans of 
that name in Rajputana and some 
other provinces of Northern India. 
Now these Magas are the Magi of 
ancient Persia, and the name Jara- 
shasta mentioned above as occurring 
in the Bhavishya Purana connects 
them with the Avesta prophet Zara- 
thushtra. The Avyanga, which 
according to the Purana they wore 
round their waist, was the same as 
the Aivyaonghem of the Avesta 
language, which last signifies the 
Kusti worn by the Parsis at the 
present day. 

"Alberuni, speaking of the Persian 
priests Magians, says that they 
existed in India and were called 
Magas ( India Vol. I, p. 21 ). The 
idea of locating them on a continent 
called Sakadwipa must have arisen 
from the fact, that they were fo- 
reigners like the Sakas, with whom 
the Indians had been familiar, 
since the second or third century 
before the Christian era. Evidently 
then the worship of the sun or 
Mihira-worship was brought into 
India by the old Persian priests 



Magi, but at whose instance and 
under what circumstances they came, 
it is difficult to say. The legendary 
tradition of their having been brought 
by Samba was current in the first 
half of the twelfth century, as we 
have seen from the inscription. The 
temple on the Chandrabhaga refer- 
red to above was that, which existed 
at Multan and a glowing description 
of which is given by the Chinese 
traveller Hiuen Tsiang. Four cen- 
turies later it was seen by Alberuni 
(India Vol I, p. 116 ). It existed 
till the 17th century, when it was 
finally destroyed by Aurangzeb. 
Multan is the same as the Sanskrit 
Mulasthdna, and this name may have 
been given to the place, because the 
new worship of the sun was first 
organised there, and it was its 
original seat. 

" On the coins of Kanishka there 
occurs a figure with the name Miro 

Mihira by its side The cult of 

Mihr had originated in Persia and 
it extended itself up to Asia Minor 
and even Rome, and the proselyti- 
sing energy, which characterised its 
first adherents must have led to its 
extension towards the east also, and 
of this extension the figure of Mihira 
on Kanishka's coin is an evidence. 
The cult, therefore, must have 
penetrated into India about the time 
of that Kushan prince, and the 
Multan temple, which was its ori- 
ginal seat, must have been conse- 
crated about the same time. 

" An inscription at Mandasaur re- 
cords the construction of a temple 
to the Sun in the year 487 A. D. by 
a guild of weavers, and its repair 
in the year 473 A. D. Another on 

a copper plate found at Indore 

mentions 5n endowment of Deva- 
vishnu in 464 A. D. for lighting a 
lamp in a temple of the Sun. And 
in a third is recorded a grant in 
511 A. D. to a temple of Adityaorthe 
sun. A great many more sun tem- 
ples have been discovered especially 



78 



in Western India from Multan down 
to Cutch and northern Gujarat. * 

" The form of the idol of the sun 
worshipped in such temples is des- 
cribed by Varahamihira ( Brhatsam- 
hita, Chap. 58 ), but the features 
mentioned by him which have a sig- 
nificance for our purpose are that his 
feet and legs should be enclosed or 
covered up to the knees.. .and he 
should be encircled by an Avyanga 
(v. 46-47). Accordingly the images 
of the sun, that are found in the 
temples mentioned above have boots 
reaching up to the knees and a girdle 
round the waist with one end hang- 
ing downwards. This last is a 
Persian feature, ...... it is certainly 

not Indian. The features of the idol 
of the sun and the fact of Magas, 
who were descended from the Per- 
sian Magi being its priests, point 
unmistakenably to the conclusion, that 
the cult was introduced into India 
from Persia, and I believe that the 
construction of so many temples was 
also due to the foreign influence ; for, 
in the account of the Saura systems, 
there is not the remotest allusion to 
the temple of the sun. According to 
all appearances, therefere, the cult 
prevalent in Northern India was en- 
tirely distinct from these systems.... 

The Magas themselves, the priests o/ the 
new cult, were gradually thoroughly 
Hinduised, until they became undistin- 
guishable from the other Hindus and 
formed only a separate caste. In the 
copper-plate grant of Harshavadhana 
who lived in the middle of the se- 
venth century, his father, grand-fa- 
ther and great grand-father are all 
styled great devotees of the sun 
) ( Epigraphia Indica 



Vol. I, pp. 72-75). This is an evi- 
dence to show, that the sun cult, 
probably made up of a mixture of 
the indigenous and foreign form, 
prevailed in the beginning of the sixth 
century and was professed by great 
princes." 

* Burgess Architectural Antiquities of 
Northern Gujarat, 



In Albenmi's " India" (translation 
by Dr. Sachau Vol. I, p. 121) we 
read about the Magas as under: 
" Further he (Rama) ordered that 
servants and priests to minister to 
the idols should be nominated from 
different classes of the people. To 
the idol of Vishnu are devoted the 
class called Bhagavata, to the idol of 
the Sun, the Maga, i. e. the Magians." 



Note on Govindpur Inscrip* 
tion re: Magas. 

As stated above, the legend of the 
importation of the Magas by Samba 
is referred to in the Govindpur stone 
inscription dated Saka 1059 (1137- 
38 A. D.). 

This was an inscription on a slab 
of stone in Narsingh Mali's house at 
Govindpur, in the Nawada sub-divi- 
sion of the Gaya district of the Pro- 
vince of Bengal. The inscription 
consists of 39 Sanskrit verses written 
in Nagari characters, and at the end 
it bears the date Saka 1059. The 
immediate object of the inscription 
was to record, that a man named 
Gangadhara, who had himself com- 
posed this poem, for the spiritual 
benefit of his parents, built a tank, 
near which the inscription must have 
been put up. 

Opening with a verse which in- 
vokes the blessing of Vishnu, the 
inscription, in verse 2, glorifies Aruna 
( i. e, the Dawn personified as the 
charioteer of the sun ), " whose pre- 
sence sanctifies Sakadwipa, where 
the Brahmans are called Magas. '' 
It also sanctifies the Magas them- 
selves, who are said to have sprung 
from the sun's own body and to have 
been brought to India by Samba. 
The verse 2 runs thus : 



79 




worship was introduced under the 
Sassanian influence. ( Bom. Gaz. 
Vol I, pt. I, p. 142 ). 



" Hail to that gem of the three 
worlds, the divine Aruna, whose 
presence sanctifies the milk-ocean- 
encircled Sakadwipa, where the 
Brahmans are named Magas! There 
is a race of twice-born (sprung) from 
the Sun's own body, ground by the 
wheel,* whom Samba himself brought 
hither. Glorious are they honoured 
in the world. " 

Further up the author says, that 
the first of these Maga Brahmans 
was Bharadvaja, whose family had 
a hundred branches. In one of them, 
a certain Damodara was born, whose 
son Chakrapani was a poet. One of 
the sons of this poet was Manoratha, 
who, according to our author, was a 
" modern Kalidasa " ( ^T-^lfe^RT: ) 
and his own father. The inscription 
tells us distinctly that Gangadhara, 
his father and grand-father were all 
poets. (See Epigraphia Indica, pp. 
330-342 ). 

The above inscription shows that 
the legend of the Magas having come 
to India must have been in existence 
some centuries before Saka 1059 or 
A. D. 1137-38. On the other hand 
the legend is not found in Harivamsa, 
Vishnu Purana and Bhagavat Purana, 
in which other legends about Krishna 
and his descendants are narrated. 
Hence according to R. Chanda, it 
cannot be treated as an evidence 
of the early migration of the Magas 
to India. ( See R. Chanda's Indo- 
Aryan Races, pp. 224-225 ). 

The writer of the Bombay Gazet- 
teer observes, that the Multan sun- 

* To diminish the Sun's intensity Vi- 
shvakarman placed the luminary on his lathe, 
to grind off some of his effulgence ( Vishnu 
Purina III-2). It is suggested that the 
Magas were produced from some of the 
particles of the Sun's body. 



Cunningham's Account 
of Multan. 

Major- General Cunningham's ac- 
count of the ancient city of Multan 
is very interesting and important in 
connection with the story of Samba, 
and we think it right to give below 
a long extract from his book, named 
''Ancient Geography of India" 
(pp. 230-240): 

'' The famous metropolis of 
Multan was originally situated on 
.two islands in the Ravi, but the river 
has long ago deserted its old chan- 
nel, and its nearest point is now 
more than 80 miles distant. But 
during high floods the waters of the 
Ravi still flow down their old bed... 

Multan is known by several 

different names, but all of them 
refer either to Vishnu or to the Sun, 
the latter being the great ^object of 
worship in the famous temple, that 
once crowned the citadel. Abu 
Rihan * mentions the names of 
Kasyapa-pura, Hansapura, Bhdgapura 
and Sdmbapura, to which I may add 
Prahlddapura and Adyasthdna. Ac- 
cording to the traditions of the people, 
Kasyapa-pura was founded by Ka- 
syapa, who was the father of the 
twelve Adityas or Sun- gods by Aditi, 
and of the Daityas or Titans by 
Diti. He was succeeded by his son, 
the Daitya named Hiranya-Kashipu, 
who is famous throughout India for 
his denial of the omnipresence of 
Vishnu, which led to the manifest- 
ation of the Narasinha Avatar. He 
was followed by his still more 
famous son Prahldda, the ardent 
worshipper of Vishnu, after whom 

* Abu RihSn Al Biruni ( A. D. 970-1089) 
(Bom. Gaz. I. pt. II. p. 507). 



80 



the city was named Prahldda-pura, 
His great-grand son, Bdna (com- 
monly called Bdna the Asur ) was 
the unsuccessful antagonist of Kri- 
shna, who took possession of the 
kingdom of Multan. Here Samba, 
the son of Krishna, established him- 
self in the grove of Mitra-vana, 
and by assiduous devotion to Mitra 
or the 'Sun' was cured of his leprosy. 
He then erected a golden statue of 
Mitra, in a temple named Adyas- 
thdna or the ' First Shrine,' and the 
worship of the Sun thus begun by 
Samba, has continued at Multan 
down to the present day. 

The story of Samba, the son of 
Krishna, is told in the Bhavishya 
Parana, but as it places the Mitra- 
vana or ' Sun-grove ' on the bank 
of Chandrabhaga or Chinab river, 
its composition must be assigned to 
a comparatively late period, when 
all remembrance of the old course 
of the Ravi flowing past Multan had 
died away. We know, however, 
from other sources, that the Sun- 
worship at Multan must be very 
ancient. In the seventh century 
Hwen Thsang found a magnificent 
temple with a golden statue of the 
god most richly adorned, to which 
the kings of all parts of India sent 
offerings. Hence the place became 
commonly known amongst the early 
Arab conquerors as the ' Golden 
Temple, ' and Masudi even affirms 
that Multan means ' medows of 
gold. ' 

" The people refer the name to 
Mulasthdna, which agrees with the 
form Mulatdna. Mula means 'root 
or origin, ' and s/hdna or thdna 
means 'place or shrine.' Hence 
Mulasthdna is the ' Temple of Mula,' 
which I take to be an appellation of 
the Sun. In the Amarakosha one of 
the names of the Sun is Vradhna, 
which is also given as a synonym of 
Mula In Latin radix signi- 
fies not only origin or root, but 
also the radish ; so also does Mula 
signify origin or root and Mulaka or 
Muli= radish. The connection be- 



tween a sunbeam and a radish obvi- 
ously lies in their similarity of shape 

For these reasons I infer that 

Mula is only an epithet of the Sun, 
as the god of rays, and that Mula- 
sthdnapura means simply "the .city 
of the Temple of the Sun." 

" Bhdga and ffansazTe well-known 
names of the Sun ; and therefore 
Bhagapura and Hansapura are only 
synonyms of the name of Multan. 
The earliest name is said to have been 
Kasyapapura (usually pronounced 
Kassappur), which I take to be the 
Kaspapuros of Hekatasus, and the 
Kaspaturos of Herodotus, as well as 
the Kaspeira of Ptolemy. The last 
town is placed at a bend of the lower 
course of the Rhuadis or Ravi, just 
above its junction with the Sandobdg 
or Chandrabhaga This identi- 
fication is most important, as it es- 
tablishes the fact, that Multan or 

Kaspeira must have been the 

principal city in the Punjab towards 
the middle of the second century of 
the Christian era. But in the seventh 
century it had already acquired the 
name of Mulasthana or Multan, 
which was the only name known to 
the Arab authors down to the time 
of Abu Rihan, whose acquirement 
of Sanskrit gave him access to the 
native literature, from which he 
drew some of the other names already 
quoted. The name of Adyasthdna 
or "First Shrine" is applied in the 
Bhavishya Purana to the original 
temple of the Sun, which is said to 
have been built by Samba, the son 
of Krishna ; but Adya is perhaps 
only a corruption of Aditya, or the 
$\\n...Prahlddpur refers to the temple 
of Narsingh Avatar, which is still 
called Pahlddpuri... The great 
temple of the Sun was destroyed 
during the reign of Aurangzeb and 
the Jumai Masjid erected on its site. 

"By the identification of Kasyapa- 
pura with the Kaspeira of Ptolemy 
I have shown, that Multan was si- 
tuated on the bank of the Ravi in 
the first half of the second century 
of the Christian era. Hwen Thsang 



81 



unfortunately makes no mention of 
the river ; but a few years after his 
visit the Brahman Rajah of Sindh, 
named Chach, invaded and captured 
Multan, and the details of his cam- 
paign show, that the Ravi still conti- 
nued to flow under its walls in the mid- 
dle of the seventh century In AD. 

713 when the citadel was besieged 
by Muhammed bin Kasim, it is stated 
by Biladuri,* that ' the city was 
supplied wiih water by a stream flow- 
ing from the river ' (the name being 
left blank ). ' Muhammad cut off the 
\vater, and the inhabitants, pressed 
by thirst, surrendered at discretion. ' 
I am willing to accept this account 
as a proof, that the main stream of 
the Ravi had already deserted its old 
channel; but it is quite impossible 
that Multan could have been forced 

to surrender for want of water 

Even in the time of Edrisif the 
environs of the town are said to have 
been watered by a small river and I 
conclude that some branch of the 
Ravi must still have flowed down to 

Multan Muhammad Kasim may 

have captured Multan in the same 
way that Cyrus captured Babylon, by 
the diversion of the waters, which 
flowed through the city into another 
channel." 

We have quoted this long passage 
to show, that the Bhavishya Purana, 
which mentions that the temple of 
the Sun was built on the bank of the 
Chinab, could not have been written 
before the middle of the seventh 
century A. D. 



T Now let us proceed with the text.] 

"The Magas are said to have 
sprung from the fire, the Brahmans 
from the moon, and the Bhojakas 

An Arab writer A. D. 892 (Bom. 
Gaz. I, pi. I, p. 505 ). 

t End of llth century A. D. (Elliot 1-74). 



from the Sun, because they 
are famous as being divine" (44). 
Having thus spoken, the Sun god 
disappeared. Then the Rishi (Sujihva) 
knew by means of meditation, that 
the child was conceived (45). That 
one of great lustre, who was very wise, 
and who had Rigveda on his tongue, 
threw himself down, (and) cursing 
her, spoke these words: "O most 
unlucky girl, the foetus, which was 
covered over with fire from the fault 
of your own lustful self, will become 
unworthy of honour" ( 46-47). That 
girl, who was distressed with grief 
for , her) son, with painful eyes, be- 
gan to think sorrowfully about that 
one (=the Sun), who has the form 
of fire (thus): "This child in my 
womb is of (i.e. by) (you) the best 
of gods; this great curse is given me; 
you should make me worthy of honour 
( 48-49). O Lord of gods, do that 
by which he may become worthy of 
honour." While she was thus think- 
ing, the Sun god, having obtained 
the form of fire, spoke these words: 
......... "That illustrious (Rishi), who 

has Rigveda on his tongue, acts ac- 
cording to scriptures; (therefore) the 
curse pronounced by him cannot be 
altered ( 50-52). However, on 
account of the gravity of the matter, 
I shall make thy son, who is unworthy 
of honour, fit, best and well versed 
in the Vedas. (53). His family 
members will live as great descen- 
dants of Vasistha, limbs of my body, 
possessed of great soul and expound- 
ers of the Vedas. They will be my 
singers, my worshippers, my devotees, 
my praisers, my servants and my vow- 
observers. They, the discerners of 
truth, will honour thee and me, and 
the Veda according to law always 
being devoted and attached to me 
(54-56) .......... They will always 

wear matted hair and beard 



will be always devoted to me, and 
will know the rites of the five perioh 
( 58). Having held 



Poornak in the right nan 1 and Varma 
in the left, and having covered the 
face, which is always pure with Pati- 



82 



ddna ( i.e. Padana) 
holy." ( 59). 



they are ever the Vedas and Vedangas. They 
were specially called for the service 
of Sun's idol. This shows that they 
were mixed Zoroastrians. 



Note. The text of the Jast 
sage which is very important 
under: 



pas- 

^ as 



Dr. Wilson probably read Varshma 
instead of Varma, which latter 
means " armour. " If the reading 
be f it would refer to Barsam. 



The most important word is Pali- 
ddna. There is no such word in 
the Sanskrit language, whose 
meaning would fit in with the context. 
The word is clearly the Avestan 
Paitidan (=Padan), meaning " a 
mouth piece" or " piece of cloth 
with which the mouth is covered. " 



" They will dine in silence, (thus) 
gaining the strength of the great. 
They will have sorrowful minds 
if there is want of self-con- 
trol or want of kindness ( 60 ). 
Even those who will worship me 
hereafter without rite or Mantra 
will, although they will fall from 
heaven, play in the sun world until 
(they are) exhausted ( 61). Such 
will be thy sons on the earth the 
Mahatmas ( great souled ones) in 
the family of Maga, who will be well 
versed in Vedas and Vedangas " (62). 



" Having thus consoled that ilivhu- 
nymph, the Sun, the water-thief,* the 
one of great lustre disappeared, and 
she became glad. Thus, O son of 
Krishna (Samba), the Bhojakas | 
were born (thus) they, the lights 
of Vishnu, ( f^pTT: ) those sprung 

from the Aditya ( STrf^TT: ), those 
honoured by the people, were born." 
( 63-64). 

" To them give this town ; they 
are competent to receive gifts from 
you and me, and to worship the Sun." 
( 65 ). Having heard these words 
of Gauramukha, Samba, the Yadava 
and son of Jambavati bowed with 
his head, and spoke : " O lion of 
the Brahmans, where do these 
Bhojakas, the sons of the Sun, the 
Mahatmas live, so that I may bring 
them " (66-67), Gauramukha 
said : '' I do not know, O you of 
great arms, where the Magas live ; 
the Sun knows that ; therefore go 
( to seek ) his assistance " ( 68 ). 
Thus spoken to by the Brahman 
(Gauramukha), Samba bowed to the 
Sun with his head, and spoke 
to him as follows : " Who will per- 
form thy worship ?" (69). Thus 
questioned by Samba, the image 
( of the Sun ) spoke to him " O 
sinless one, there is none fit to wor- 
ship me in Jambudwipa ( 70 ). 
Go to Shakadwipa and bring here 
my worshipper. Sakadwipa is re- 
membered (as being) on the yonder 
coast of the ocean of salt 
and ( as being ) surrounded by 
the ocean of milk and on the further 



Note : We find that the Magas 
wore matted hair, and expounded 



lit- one who steals water 
by drying it up. 

t The Magas were also called Bhojakas. 



83 



side of Jambudwipa. There the 
people are said to be of 4 kinds. 
They are Jfag's, Magagds, Mdnasd*, 

and Madangds. The Magas are 
chiefly Brahmans ; the Magagas are 
known to be Kshatriyas ; the Ma- 
nasas are known as Vaisyas; and their 
Sudras are Madangas." There is no 
intermarriage ( ^fiT ) * among 
them at any time so as to protect 
the religion ( /. e. so that religion 
might remain intact) ( 71-74).... 



Note: In the Vishnu Parana 
( II-4 -69, 70). Magdh (or MrgdhJ, 
Magadhdh* Mdnasdh and Mandagdh 
are given as the names of the Brah- 
mans, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and 
Sudras respectively of Shakadwipa. 

In a Bengali MS. of the Mahabha- 
rata, the first two names are Magd and 
Masakd. In the Bombay edition of 
the Mahabharata, we have Mangdh 
and Mrgdh instead of Magd.\ 

The JIagadhd'oi the Vishnu Purana 
is evidently a mistake* or misreading 
for Masakd of the Mahabharata, and 
therefore the Magadhas cannot be 
connected with Shakadwipa. But 
as the Magas are not mentioned in 
the earlier books, although the Ma- 
gadhas are, the time of the Magas 
coming to India cannot be pushed 
far bacfe. According to Prof. Weber 
"the Magas go back to an old mission 

* This shows that the Magas had no 
marriage connections with other nations, 
when they were in their native country. 

fin the M. Bh. (Bhishma Purva XI-34-36) 
we read: 

"In that Shakadwipa are four sacred 
provinces. They are the Mrigas, Mashakas, 
MSnasas and Mandagas. The Mrigas are 

for the most part BrShmans ..Among the 

Mashakas are various Kshatryas &c." 

J C. V . Vaidya says : "In our opinion 
the statements in the Vishnu Puntna are 



of the Mithra-cult, the members of 
which, after their arrival in India 
(about the first two centuries A. D.)> 
were incorporated in the Brahman 
caste." (Indian Antiquary XVI, 
p. 162). 

The writer of the Bombay Gazet- 
teer says: "That the Multan sun- 
worship was introduced under Sassa- 
nian influence is supported by the 
fact, that the figure of the Sun on 
the fifth century Hindu Sun coins is 
in the dress of a Persian king: that 
the priests who performed the 
Multan sun-worship were called 
Magas; and by the details of the 
dress and ritual in the account of the 
introduction of sun-worship given in 
the Bhavishya Purana. That the 
Meyds or Mands had some share in 
its introduction is supported by the 
fact, that the Purana names the 
fourth or Sudra class of the sun- 
worshippers Mandagas. That the 
Meyds were associated with the 
Magas is shown by the mention of 
the Magas as Mihiragas. The third 
class whom the Bhavishya Purana 
associates with the introduction of 

sun-worship are the Manas The 

association of the Manas with Mihiras 
or Maitrakas suggests that Mana is 
Mauna, a Puranik name for the White 
Huns. That the Multan sun-idol of 
the sixth and seventh centuries was 
a Huna idol and Multan the capital 
of a Huna dynasty seems in agree- 
ment with the paramount position of 
the Rais of Alor or Rori in the sixth 
century." (Bom. Gaz. I, Pt. I, pp. 
142-3). 

Sir R. G. Bhandarkar says: "On 
the coins of Kanishka there occurs 
a figure with the name Miiro (-^Per- 
sian Miher, Avesta Mithra) by its 



not of much value. The Purana must have 
been recast during the revival of Hinduism 
at the hands of illiterate men." (Vaidya, 
M.Bh. p. 79). 

Cf. Atharva Veda V. 22; also XV. where 
Magadha is related to Vratya, mentioned in 
Panchvimsha Br. XVII-4. (Vratya was a 
descendant of a Sudra father and Kshatriya 
mother). 



84 



side The cult, therefore, must 

have penetrated to India about the 
time of that Kushana prince (120 
A. D.), and the Multan temple, 
which was its original seat, must 
have be^n constructed about the same 
time."* 

"The Magian missionaries of Mith- 
raism probably did not come to India 
alone, and were adopted, as Weber 
observes, into the ranks of the Brah- 
mans themselves under the name of 
Shdka-dvtpiya Brdhmans, together 
with some members of the other Ira- 
nian immigrants."! ( Indo-Arvan 
Races, pp. 224-227.) 



' Their Vedas are four, and were 
produced and made by me with (their) 
secrets and accompanied by various 
great and secret incantations men- 
tioned in the Vedas, (76). They 
think of me only, they always worship 
me, their minds are devoted to me, 
they are my worshippers, my devotees, 
my praisers, my servants, my vow- 
observers. They put on Avyanga with 
(religious) acts accompanied by cere- 
monies. " 



Note: The text runs-: 



Avyanga seems to be Aivyanghan or 
sacred girdle as suggested by Dr. 
Wilson. The word occurs very often 
as we shall see later on. 



* Vaishnavism &c. p. 154. 

t See also Indian Antiquary XXX, p. 287. 



" They, who are my followers, 
always offer best prayers to me 

( 77-79) O Samba, having 

mounted Garuda and going quickly 
without further thought, bring those 
Magas here from Sakadwipa for 
my worship " (S2). The sun of 
Jambavati (= Samba) said " very 
well ; " and having taken his per- 
mission went back to the city Dwdr- 
viiti (Dwarka), attended with lustre 
(83). He told his father every- 
thing about his audience with the 
god. Having obtained Garuda from 
him, Samba mounted it, and marched 
on. Samba whose hairs stood on 
their ends (out of joyj reached 
Sakadwipa and saw there the illus- 
trious Magas as he was told (84-85). 
They were worshipping the Sun with 
incense, lamp and other auspicious 
things. He bowed to them, and 
having first made circumambulation 
(out of honour), he asked those 
illustrious persons about their welfare 
and said : " You are the performers 
of holy acts and are well disposed 
towards beautiful objects You are 
devoted to the worship of the Sun 
and to you gifts can be (lawfully) 
given ( 87). Know rne to be the 
son of Vishnu, named and famous 
as Samba. I have enshrined the 
(idol of) Surya on the banks of the 
Chandrabhaga (88). I am sent 
here by him. Get up and let us 
go " They then answered Sam- 
ba : " Yes, undoubtedly. " (89). 
The god told us also formerly. 
(Therefore) 18 families of Magas, 
wh3 know the Vedas, will go with 
thee as ordered by the god" ( 90). 
Then Samba, having placed those 
18 families together on Garuda 
hastily returned ( 91 ). In only 
a very short time, Samba reached 
Mitravana from there, having carried 
out the orders of the Sun ; and he 
told (the Sun) everything. ( 92). 
The Sun said " very good, " and 
gladly spoke to Samba ( thus ) : 

' These are my worshippers, who 
are the pacifiers of people. O best 
of Yadus, they will perform my 



worship according to law ; you shall 
never again have any anxiety for 
diem" ( 90-94). 

Customs and Ceremonies 

of Magas Brahma Parva, 

ehapier 140. 

Having thus brought the Magas, 
that Mahatma .Samba took them 
into the town on the banks of the 
river Chandrabhaga ; and having 
enshrined the Sun (idol), he collected 
much money and gave it to the Bho- 
jakas ( 1-2 ;. That town, which 
was sacred to the Sun, is famous 
in the three worlds, and is known 
as Sambapura, since it was built by 
Samba. In the middle of that town, 
the Sun god was enshrined ; and all 
were made to settle by him in that 
town which bore the stamp of his 
name. ( 3-4 ). The Magas' acts 
were worthy of the families, who 
had experience of (such ) acts; their 
service of the god was chanted with 
the rites mentioned in the Vedas. 
( 5 ). Then young and holy 
Samba, whose object was fulfilled', 
having obtained the boon, having 
bowed to the Sun, the first and oldest 
god, and afterwards having bowed 
to all the Magas and having saluted 
them, started to go to the City 
Bwaravati. ( 6-7 ). ( Then ) the 
gentile, great- souled grand-son of 
Vasudeva called the daughters of 
Bhoja for the purpose of the Magas. 
The best of the Bhojakas gave 
daughters to those Magas. All those 
girls were together adorned with 
coral and jewels ( 8-9 ). All 
those were honoured (by Samba) 
and were sent to the temple of the 
Sun (^fajpJi). Then Samba 
going there again asked the Sun 
god : " Tell me about the history, 
Vedas and Avyanga of the Magas. " 
Hearing these words of Samba, the 
Sun spoke : "Go to Narada and 
ask him; he will tell you everything." 
Thus spoken to, Samba went to 
Narada ( 10-12) 

Narada professing ignorance asked 
him to go to Vyasa. Samba repeated 



the story and said : " While con^ 
templating the Sun, while thinking 
about the Bhojakas and their history, 
there is a doubt in my mind ( 22), 
How are they the worshippers (of 
the .Sun) ? Who are the Magas ? 
Who are the Bhojakas ? What is 
the best thing to be known about 
them ? Who among them is famous ? 
( 2-3). Why are they called di- 
vine, why do they hold Koorcha, 
why are they devoted to the Sun, 
why are thev known as Vdchakas?" 



Note: The text runs thus: 



wti weir : n 

In Sanskrit ^f stands for a 
bunch of Kusha grass, but we be- 
lieve that this word is a corrupt read- 
ing for Goorja (mace), which was 
carried by the priestly class of the 
Zoroastrians. ^fft^cT means de- 
votion or vow to ?; i. e. the Sun. 
It would be wrong to say that this 
word is a bad reading for Ahura, be- 
cause the word occurs in several 
passages, and everywhere it is used 
for the Sun god only. The Magas 
are called Vdchakas, probably on 
account of the Baj prayer or cere- 
mony. 



" Why and for what purpose de 
they chant the Vedas energetically, 
and what is the measure of the 
auxiliary part of the bodice ? " 
( 25 ). 



86 



Note: The last passage is: 
l^^M f% Wit I In the 
printed book 3?2fn% 4^^ is one word ; 
it may be 3T2ff ff =F^>. If we take 
the whole as one word, the meaning 
may be that the bodice resembles (i.e. 
is as thin as) the skin of a snake. 
$^> probably refers to the Sudrth. 
The same word is used in the same 
sense in the 3rd Shloka of the 16 
verses said to have been recited 
before the king Jadi Rana. 3JT 
means the component or auxiliary 
part. This auxiliary part of the 
Sudreh is Kusti, the measure of 
which is given hereafter. It may 
be noted that in the 3rd Shloka 
recited before the king Jadi Rana, 
the ends of Kusti are said to re- 
semble the mouth of an Ahi or snake. 



to observe the rules of conduct v.ith 
silence and also all these great siges 
eat with silence, (82). Moreover they 
the dwellers in Saka-dwipa are the 
performers of all the rites, that sages 
perform. Therefore he who does 
not desire demerit should eat in 

silence ( 33 ) They are known 

to be always devoted to the worship 
of the Sun ( 34). They are known 
as Bhojakas, as they were (the pro- 
geny) of the daughters of Bhoja- Just 
as there are four Vedas known among 
the Brahmans namely Rigveda, 
Yajurveda, Samaveda and Atharva- 
veda, so O you of good vows, the 
Vedas of the Magas are also known 
(35-36). These Vedas of theirs 
are known to be false ( they are ) 
Veda, Vishvamada, Vidvata and 
Vahni-rasa (37). Formerly the 
Prajapati communicated these Vedas 
to the Magas" ( 38). 



" How do they chant ( prayers ) to 
the gods and how do they perform 
sacrifice ? ( <pt ^Tfsj JTPJTcT W "pTRT 
^ ==pf ) ( 26 ). What is their Agni- 
hotra; what are known as their 5 
festivals ? Tell me about all these 
cusfoms of the Bhojakas ( 27 )". 

Hearing these words of Samba, 
the sage of great lustre Krishna- 
dwaipayana ( / e. Vyasa), the son of 
Kali, spoke these noble words : 
" O best of Yadus, good, very good; 
you have asked me good questions; 
O you, strict in the observance of 
vows, the customs of the Bhojakas 
are undoubtedly difficult to be known 
(i.e. are incomprehensible). ( 28- 
29 ). By the favour of the Sun, I 
also learnt (them) from the Smriti, 
and I shall tell you fully, as they are 
mentioned by Vasishtha ( 30 ). O 
son of Krishna, the customs of the 
Magas are the best; hear (them). 
They are well-versed in knowledge, 
and are devoted to religious and 
worldly rites ( ^4l*i ^WTfyRTT : ) 
( 31). All these Rishis are known 



Note: Veda, Vishva-mada &c. 
are said to be the Vedas or religious 
works of the Magas. 

It is difficult to identify them, but 
we guess that "Veda" was probably 
Avesta vesta vetta Veda ; Vishva- 
mada might be Vispard, Vidvat 
might be Vidoevodat and Vahni-rasa, 
might be Atash Nyash. The Sans- 
krit writers usually gave Hindu 
appearance to foreign names, as we 
see in the case of the names of the 
personages in the Bible referred to 
in the Bhavishya Purana. 

Could it be that the Smriti re- 
ferred to by Vyasa was the " Parsi 
Smriti" the old manuscript P. S., 
containing the 16 Sanskrit Shlokas 
according to which also the Parsis 
worshipped the Sun and observed 
silence, while taking meals? More 
satisfactory proof is however required 



87 



for the identification. The word 
Smriti occurs again in Chapter 142 
6-7. 



"Justus (lowers are arranged by 
the Brahmans at the time of worship, 
just as Darbha * grass is arranged 
among the twice-born in all the rites 
and sacrifices, and just as these are 
regarded as holy among them, so 
also is the case with the Magas 
by these verily the chiefs of the 
Magas obtain success in that island. 
(41-42). 

They are learned, they belong 
to best families, they have holy 
customs, they are attached to sacri- 
fices, they are devoted and they 
recite Mantras in the commencement 
( 43 ). O lion of the Yadus, O de- 
lighter of the Yadus, the dear Bhoja- 
kas recite the Veda Mantra, which is 
like a missile ( 43 ). O best of 
Yadus, the Sdvitri f of all Brahmans 
is considered our best, first utterance. 
(45). 

It is but proper, that they eat 
with silence, humility and freedom 
from infatuation ; what belongs to 
Smriti \ is not to be touched (among 

* Dr. Wilson says, that the Magas used 
Vars.hma ; we have seen that in Chapter 
189-59 the wjrd used is Varma=a.rmo\ir. 
But here it appears that the Magas also used 
Darbha. 

t Sdvitri or Gdyatri is the verse in 
Rigveda 111-62-10, which runs thus : 

I 



t 5f: $Nl<V4m, II May we attain that 
excellent glory of Savitar the god. So may 
he stimulate our prayers." This Gdyatri 
resembles our Ahunavar in every respect. 
Ahunavar is also represented as a missile 
in Vendidad XIX-9. Could the Mantra 
of the Magas be Ahunavar ? The evidence 
is certainly very meagre. 

J The passage is : 

ft rn" I 



us, and BO) it is not to be touched 
among them ( 46 ). 

Although not desiring to live, they 
live. They go round their dear Sun 
( idol ), and always bow to it 
with sacrifice, Mantras and rites 
mentioned in the Veda ( 47 ). As 
the sacrifice of the Magas, who be- 
lieve in the Tatva, is performed with 
several Mantras, therefore they are 
known as sacrificers ( 48 ). 

Just as among the twice-born, 
Agni hotra is well known, so among 
the Magas, Adhvahotra is performed. 
The name of that sacrifice is Achcha;* 
such is undoubtedly the statement of 
the Rishi ( 49). 

Five times incense is to be offered ; 
this always brings success in the 
world. 

Magas Marry Bhojaka Girls- 
Brahma Parva, Chapter 141. 

Samba said : " The Avyanga of 
the Bhojakas, which you spoke of 
and which purifies the body, is said 
to be the bond of devotion. What 
is their caste"? Vyasa said: "When 
all those sons of Bhojakas were ques- 
tioned bv you, what did they tell 
you. Tell me that fully" (1-2), 
Samba said: "I have told you fully 
about the habitations of the Bhojakas. 
You will tell me truly, what is their 
caste " ( 3 ), 

Then that glorious one, who was 
skilful in speech spoke these words:- 
"O Samba, the youths of the Bhoja- 
kas, about whom you spoke and heard 



|| What is Smritika ? Does it refer 

to Myazda, which is not to be touched 
by aliens ? The reading 4/^ejj (dead) might 

be suggested for t^ld'ft. In that case the 
meaning would be that the dead body was 
not to be touched. 

* What is this Achcha sacrifice, it is diffi- 
cult to say. In Sanskrit, 3fv$$ means purCi 

clear. " The sacrifice may be Yasna 
ceremony. Just as Afaisya becomes Machclia^ 
so,Yasta ( Yasfya ) might become Yachc/ia 
( Achcha}. 



are to be known as my Magas.* 
Eight of these were Sudras, called 
Madangas." 

" Having known this and with a 
bow to the Sun with the head, ten 
girls born in the family of Bhojaf 
were given ( in marriage ) to ten 
(youths). And to the Madangas 
also, eight girls were given. ( 4- 
6). Then O S^mba, I entered 
their town. Remember this, that 
the slave girls ( ^f^F^r : ) were 
eight and the Bhoja girls were ten 
those ten and eight (girls) should 
be known as ( the wives ) of those 
youths. There the twice-born begot 
those sons on the Bhoja girls ; those 
sons were called Bhojakas and were 
Brahmans, named ' the divine. ' 
Those who were begotten on the 
slave girls by the Madangas, named 
'the degraded, ' were really the Ma- 
dangas who were worshippers of the. 
Sun. They were surrounded by 
wives and sons in that Brahmanic 
town (7-10). By those Rishis, 
who had begun to sacrifice accord- 
ing to their own religious duties, 
the Sun was worshipped in Saka- 
dwipa with Vedic Mantras of different 
kinds ( 11). (These) men, putting 
on Avyanga pray to the Sun. See- 
ing their Avyanga, my curiosity was 
excited " (12). 

Samba, once again bowing, 
said to the son of Satyavati 
(=Vyasa) : " O best of sages, what 
is this excellent Avyanga, which you 
spoke of. Whence was it produced, why 
is it considered pure ? When is it to 
be tied, why is it put on, what, Sir, 
is said to -be the measurement of 
this Avyanga ? " ( 18-14 ). 

Hearing these words of the son 
of Jambavati, Vyasa, the son of Kali 
spoke to Samba (thus): " O lion 

* Here is a very important statement for 
us namely that the Bhojakas and the Magas 
were identical. The words are used in- 
discriminately by our author. 

t The Magas are said tj have married 
Bhoja or Rajput girls and to have become 
the Brahman Bhojakas of Dwarka ( Bom . 
Gaz. I,pt. I, p. 142). 



of the Kurus, their caste is, no doubt, 
exactly as 1 told you. I shall also 
tell you about the characteristic of 
Avjanga ; hear, as it is mentioned. 

Avyanga or Kusti of 

Magas Brahma Parva, 

Chapter 142. 

Vyasa said: "The gods, sages, 
serpents, Gandharvas, numerous 
celestial damsels, Yakshas, and Rak- 
shasas live' in the Sun in different 
seasons in regular order ( 1). There 
( the celestial serpent) Vasuki hastily 
raised up a cloud the chariot of the 
Sun and with a bow to the Sun 
quickl} returned to his own place 
( 2 ). As a favour he gave the 
Sun an Avyanga, which was celestial, 
decorated with the heavenly Ganges, 
and not very red nor very white 
( 8 ). He tied it lovingly round 
his body; for this reason, ( the 
Avyanga) which was produced from 
the body of the king of snakes, was 
worn by the Sun.* ( 4 ). There- 
fore out of affection for the Sun, a 
Bhojaka desiring to worship ( him ) 
wears it and becomes holy by the 
performance of ceremonies and by 
truth ( 5 ). If it is worn daily, the 
Sun becomes pleased. But those 
of the Bhojakas, the Sun-worshippers 
who do not wear it, are undoubtedly 
beyond the circle of the Sun-worship- 
pers, are not venerable and are 
impure. They are unfit to carry on 
the duties enjoined by Smriti and 
are unworthy to worship the Sun 
( 6-7 ). If they worship the Sun 
they fall into the Raurava Hell; they 
do not smile nor do they stand up, 
to reap ( the fruit ) of their prayer" 
(8). 



* The above story of the Sun receiving 
Avyanga from }he celestial snake may be 
connected with the legend in the Haoma 
Yashta 26 in which it is stated that Ahu- 
ramazda first brought for Haoma the 
Kusti, which was decorated with stars. 



...... " It (the Avyanga ) should be 

made of one colour, so that it brings 
about success in actions; in measure- 
ment it should be 100 more than 100 
( i. e. 200 ) finger breadths (^355). 
Such an Avyanga is the longest 
in measurement; one of middle 
measure should be 20 more (than 100 
i. f. 120 finger breadths); and the 
shortest should be S more than 100 
( /. e. 108 finger breadths).* Shorter 
than this it should not be ( 10-11. ). 

Its form was made and produced 
by Vishva Karma (the Almighty ); 
among the Bhojakas it is called 
Parasshata. ( 12). Although cleans- 
ed one does not become pure without 
it; therefore, O hero, by wearing it, 
he becomes pure at the time ( 13), 
( when ) oblations, offerings &c. and 
all auspicious ceremonies take place 
(U) ......... 

As it was produced from the body 
of a serpent, therefore it is called 
Avyanga ( 



Jcf: t ) ( 15 J: because it is a part 
of this serpent, therefore it is called 
Avyanga 



......... O best of Yadus, those who 

worship the Sun without it (Avyanga} 
do not obtain the reward of worship, 
and they go to hell" ( 27 ). 

Worship of the Sun Idol- 
Brahma Par va, Chapter 143. 

That wise Samba, having thus 
heard the origin of Avyanga from 
Vyasa, the son of Satyavati, went 
away. Then that illustrious Samba 
going again to the hermitage of 
Narada of great power, spoke these 
words to him, " O Rishi, how is the 



*A Gaja is thus defined: 



^ : I A Gaja is 30 6nger 
breadths of an ordinary man." Therefore 
the longest Avyanga is ^o_o_ == g| Gajas 

long ; the middle one is L 2 J> =4 Gajas long ; 
and the shortest one is J^s^ga. Gajas 
long. These are just the measurements of 
our Kusti. 



incense-smoke ( offered in honour ) 
o.f the Sun produced by the Bhojakas, 
and how, O Mahatma, the ablution 
( ^R ), sipping of water before re- 
ligious ceremonies ( 34N*H ) and the 
giving of venerable offerings (3J%R) 
( are made by them ) " ? Having 
heard these words of Samba, the 
great sage Narada spoke ( 1-4 ) : 
O lion of Kurus, I shall gladly tell 
you about the incense, smoke and 
ceremonies ( to be offered ) to the 
Sun ; also about ablution, water-sip- 
ping and gifts of gold. Having sipped 
water thrice, having taken a bath, 
and putting on stainless, clean and 
holy clothes, which should not be 
moist, he ( the Bhojaka ) should stay 
and with pious effort drink, facing the 
north and east ( 5-7 ). He should 
not drink while in water, but should 
do so devoutly, coming out of water; 
(for) in the water there are the Sun, 
fire and the goddess mother Sarasvati 
( 8 ) ...... Having washed the hands 

and feet as far as the knees, he 
should devoutly and gladly drink 
water which is well-collected three 
times (10). He should twice do 
the anointing ( of the idol ), and 
thrice the sprinkling (of it) by water, 
(after) having touched ( with watei ) 
his own forehead and cavities of 
the body. 

Having sipped water, he should 
bow to the Sun, and become holy 
among holy persons. He who 
performs ceremony without sipping 
water through infatuation, is a Nas ika 
( = an unbeliever) (12). All his 
ceremonies here undoubtedly become 
fruitless, because the Vedas state, 
that the gods are desirous of purity 
( 13 ) ...... Having sipped water, 

and remaining silent, he should go 
to the house of god ( \4\*\\{ ) hav- 
ing covered the breathing organs 
( mouth and nose ) (for preventing 
the breath from touching holy 
objects) ( * 



), and having covered the head 
devoutly for turning off water from 
the hair, he should perform the wor- 



90 



ship of the Sun with holy flowers of 
various kinds. * ( 15-16 ). 

Having recited the Gayatri with a 
bow and with devotion, one should 
offer to the fire, incense with the 
offering of guggula (a fragrant sub- 
stance). (17). Then having held 
a handful of flowers in its flame 
with devotion, it should be placed 
on the head of the Sun (idol) after 
having recited the Deva- Mantra 

(18) The times for offering 

incense are known as five ; in the 
five Dhupas 1 shall observe the five 
ceremonies, namely Havana " &c.... 

From the appearance (i.e. 

rising ) of the Sun, its worship should 
be performed three times. In the 
forenoon the sun is half risen ; then 
half the sun is powerful. In the 
forenoon, (the following) should be 
offered to the Heli (morning Sun), 
in the noon to the Jvalana (=burn- 
ing Sun), and in the afternoon to 
the yjya/tm0(=burning Sun) (name- 
ly) lotus flowers mixed with sandal 
water, and with fragrant water, and 
Kara-vera tree-leaves and red chalk 
( 22-24 ). Having put flower- 
water mixtures, Kuruvia flowers and 
charming fragrance etc. in a copper 
vessel and having offered incense 
and offering of guggul to the fire, 
O hero, and having taken an Arghya 
(offering) vessel one should invoke 
the Sun (thus) ( 25-26): " O you, 
Sun of the thousand rays, mass of 
lustre, lord of the world, be merciful 
to me. O Sun god, accept the 
offering" (27). With this (prayer), 
the invocation should be made ; and 
falling on the knees to the earth, 

* Here the author describes the Sun-wor- 
ship. Regarding the Sun-worship performed 
by the bauras or Sun-worshippers, Sir R. 
G. Bhandarkar says : " Water is sipped 
by repeating a formula expressive of a wish, 
that the Sun. Manyu and Manyupati may 
protect the adorer from sins. After that 
three offerings of water with or without 
the ether ingredients are made to the Sun 
after repeating the Gayatri, and then the 
water is whirled round his head by the 
adorer by repeating the Mantra (That 
Aditya is Brahman) " (Varshnavism &c. 
p. 151). 



and going near the chest of the Sun 
(idol), he should give the offering 
to the Sun (28). "Om, a bow to 
the Sun, the lord, the Vishva 
(= god), lying in the sky, the Brah- 
man, the maker of the worlds, the 
ruler, the old one of thousands of 
eyes, a bow to you, to Soma, to Rik, 
Yajus, and Atharva ; (a bow to) the 
earth, atmosphere, heaven, Mahar 
(fourth world), fanah (world of dei- 
fied mortals), Tapas (Tapas-world) 
and Saiya (Satya-world). A bow to 
Brahman, the Sun, to its top, middle 
portion and front. * ( 29-30). 

Having offered incense to 

the Sun with this ceremony, the 
Bhojaka shall enter the interior house 
( 37). Having entered there, he 
should offer incense to the idol 
(SffcTTT^) with the Mantra thus: "(this 
is) ever for Mihira, for Nikshubhd. 
Then a bow to Rddni ( Sun's wife), 
then a bow to Nikshubhd ; a bow to 
the one who bears the name Danda- 
nayaka (judge); a bow to Pingala 
( name of an attendant on the Sun); 
and a bow to the lord Srausha and 
to the lord Garuda. ( 38-40). 



Note: The last passage cT^IT 
( ?r*r: ) is very important. 
is a corrupt form; but what is Srausha? 
In the dictionaries and Koshas, the 
word is not to be found. It is 
evidently the Zoroastrian angel 



3ft 



The pray tr runs thus : 



: 3ft 



: 3ft 



^ ' ' '*& \ ^ M ' ^ M I ^\ 1 1 T 

q^f: || As this prayer contains the mystic 

words ^9^'-^^ and the syllable 3ft 
it is clear beyond doubt, that this prayer 
is un-Zoroastrian. 



91 



Srausha. This passage shows, that 
in their worship, the Magas and 
Bhojakas invoked Hindu as well as 
Zoroastrian deities. 



Then having made circumambu- 
lation, an offering should be made 
to the gods of the quarters* ( 40 ). 

If best flowers are not available, 
then leaves might be offered. If 
leaves cannot be had, then incense. 
If incense cannot be had, then water. 
If none (of these) is available, then 
one should worship by falling pro- 
strate. If one is unable to fall pro- 
strate, one should worship the Sun 
in (lit. by) the mind. All these 
(alternative) ritual offerings are en- 
joined, when there is no money. He, 
who has money, should offer all (these) 
( 51-53). When one offers incense 
to the Sun with Mantras and cere- 
monies, the Sun becomes pleased 
with incense by their recitation 
54). He, having devoutly and 
properly covered his head, nose and 
mouth, should worship the Sun and 
should not be lax (in worship) ( 52). 

Derivations of the Words 

Maga and Bhojaka Brahma 

Parva, Chapter 144. 

O best of men, those who meditate 
accurately upon Omkdra ( the 
sound Om}, which is made up of 
three letters, and upon that Omkdra 
which consists of three half syllables, 
who speak the Makdra (sound ma} 
which is a consonant, (regarded) as 
a half syllable, and who ponder over 
the knowledge contained in the 

* In subsequent passages we read, that a 
bow should be made to all the gods, to the 
Rudras, to the serpent Sftes/ta, to the Dai- 
tyas, DSnavasand Pishachas of Tala, Sutala, 
Pdtdla, Atala Vitala, Rasdtala. and other 
hells This throws abundant light on the 
religion of the Bhojakas. 



Makdra, which is Truth itself the 
Makara being known as the lord god 
Sun are known as Magas on ac- 
count of the contemplation and me- 
ditation of the Makara ( 23-25). 

Because they cause the thousand 
rayed Sun to be glad ( >?M^Pcf ) by 
incense, flowers and offerings, there- 
fore they are called Bhojakas. * 

An Account of Bhojakas 
Brahma Parva, Chapter 145. 

Vasudeva said : "O great sage, 
best of Brahmans, give me an ac- 
count of the Bhojakas as my curiosity 
is very great " ( 1 ). Vyasa said : 
" Learn the account, as I speak. " 
He ( Bhojaka ) abandons the 
dress, which is contaminated by 
bones, which has come into contact 
with ( fleshy ) muscles, which is 
soiled by flesh and blood, which is 
tied by skin, which is foul smelling, 
which is spoiled by urine and faeces, 
which is worn by persons in old age 
and sorrow, and which is stained 
by menses. (2-3) 

Who are Low Bhojakas ? 
Brahma Parva, Chapter 146. 

That Bhojaka, whose wife is a 
Shudra, and who does not wear 
Avyanga should be undoubtedly 
known as unworthy to sit in the same 
row at dinner ( 12 ). O eminent 
lion of Yadus, (in the house of) that 
Bhojaka worshipper, who worships the 
Sun with ceremonies, (but) without ha- 
ving bathed and without Avyanga, who 
eats food from the Sudras, who 
ploughs, t who abandons even the 
god's idol, who does not perform the 
ceremonies of the birth of a child 
&c., who does not recite Gdyatri 
with the Mantras at dawn in that 
Bhojaka's wicked house, a Brahman 

* The author gives fanciful derivations 
of the words Maga and Bhojaka. 

f Ploughing was probably a duty of the 
low class at the time. According to Bhag- 
vad Gita XVIII-44, ploughing 
was a duty of the Vaibhyaa. 



who eats, is not pure (13-15). 
He who eats without performing 
worship of the Sun, the manes, gods, 
( pious ) men and beings, is irre- 
ligious. He, who is devoid of 
Abhyanga * and without Shankha 
and who wears hairs oi> the head 
should be known as the meanest 
Bhojaka(16-17). 

All ( ceremonies ) of a Bhojaka, 
who performs god's worship, Homa 
offering ceremony, and ablution, who 
gives offerings to the manes, gives 
charity and praises the Brahmans, 
but who is devoid of Abhyanga, 
become fruitless (18). O lion of 
Yadus, this Abhyanga is known as 
pure and best,- and is under the pro- 
tection of all gods and Vedas. O 
best of Yadus, at the end of the 
Abhyanga of the Bhojakas stands Han 
( i-e. Vishnu], in the middle Brahma 
of great lustre, and in the front Shiva. 
At its end is Rigveda, in its middle 
Sama Veda entirely, and also the best 
Yajur Veda with Atharva Veda- The 
three fires and the three worlds (also) 
stand ( there ) in ( proper ) order; 
such is the sacred Abhyang* of the 
Bhojakas ( 19-22 ). That Bhojaka, 
who is devoid of it, is a low Bhojaka, 
he should be known as one unworthy 
of dining together ( 23 ) Offer- 
ings of eatables, red chalk ( Kun- 
kiima} (offered) to the gods and 
the Sun are pure. Those Bhojakas 
who give or sell (them) to the Sudras 
and who take away things belonging 
to God should be known as the lowest 
Bhojakas ( '24) 

Good and Bad Bhojakas 
Brahma Parva, (Chapter 147. 

Those Bhojakas, who do not cap- 
ture others' wives and treasures and 
who do not revile the gods, are al- 
ways my favourites ( 3 ). Those 
Bhojakas who deal in merchandise 
and agriculture and ( those who ) 
speak ill are all my enemies ( 4 ). 

* Here instead of the word Avyanga we 
have Abhyanga which is also very commonly 
used. 



Those, who take away others' wives, 
who plough (land), or take up king's 
service, are to be known as fallen,* 
those, who eat food (prepared) by 
Sudras, are my enemies ( 5) 

Those, whose heads are always 
shaven, who wear Abhyanga, ivho blow 
the Shankha ( W (K4Pd ) arc 
thought to be divine Bhojakas ( 12). 
Those who have well washed (their 
bodies) and are devoid of anger, who 
always worship me three times, are 
my dear Bhojakas ( 1 3). Tho^e who 
observe a fast on my day ( ?T^I% 3Tt 
Sunday) at night, and on the 6th 
Tithi and on the 7th Tithi and on 
Sankramana dayt are to be known as 
Bhojakas, divine Brahmanas and my 
worshippers ( 14-15). 

O hero, those wise men, who on 
my day (= Sunday) and also on the 
6th Tithi, do not eat at night are my 
favourite Magas ( '20). 

Those Bhojakas who do not make 
offerings every year on the (death 
anniversary) day of (their) fathers 
and mothers are not my favourites 
(21) 

A Bhojaka is said to be venerable 
( <^T ) specially to the Sauras. 
Just as husbands are venerable to 
wives, and masters to pupils, so the 
Bhojaka, O Yadava prince, is vener- 
able to the Sauras. ( 33). ...*.. all 
those Sauras who eat the food (pre- 
pared by) the Bhojakas without hesi- 
tation, are freed from sin and go to 
the world of the Sun ( 35 ). 

Saura Religion Brahma 
Parva, Chapter 151. 

This best and famous Saura reli- 
gion of all people, who are plunged 
into the ocean of worldly life, was 
produced for the well-being of the 

* A Brahman should only do ihe service 
of the godi, he should not be an agricultur- 
ist or a servant of any kind. 

f Day on which the Sun passes from one 
zodiacal sign to another. It must be stated 
that the Zoroastrians do not blow Shani/ia or 
observe fasts. 



93 



world. ( 16). Those, who being 
devoted to the Sun, with quiet 
minds and with the desire to obtain 
happiness, serve the great religion, 
are undoubtedly Sauras. ( 17 ) 
They, who remember the Sun with 
prayer once or twice or thrice every 
day, are at once freed from all sins, 
although committed in seven births. 
( 18) ...... The essence of the Saura 

religion is that the Sun's worship is 
indispensable. That (worship) is 
mentioned by the Sun to the gods 
as consisting of 16 parts: ( 21) 
namely, (1) ablution in the morning, 
(2) muttering prayer, (3) Homa ce- 
remony, (4) worship of god, (5) 
honouring Brahmans with devotion, 
(6-7) worship of the cow and Ashv- 
atiha tree, (8-9) hearing history and 
Purana with devotion and faith, (10) 
study of the Vedas, (11) love for 
people, with my worship, (12) faith 
in prayer, which is worthy of respect, 
(13) loudly reading books with de- 
votion before me (a thing) which 
is always dear to me, (14) hearing 
my stories always, (15) change in 
voice and (motions of) eyes and body 
), (16) always re- 



membering me with prayer and faith. 
...... Him who worshipfully offers to 

me leaves, ilowers, fruit and water, 
I do not injure, nor does he injure 
me* ( 21-25, 28). 

[ We shall now translate some of 
the passages from Chapter 117, 
which gives, as it were, a summary 
of all, that we have noted above ]. 

Religious Customs of Bho 
jakas Brahma Parva, 
Chapter 117. 

O Garuda, I (Sun) will tell you 
what Bhojaka is like. He carries 
out my orders and is always ready 
to obey (me) ( 43). The study of 
the Vedas is the first thing ; then 
marrying a wife. He always wears 

* This description of the baura religion 
shows that it must be Mithra worship, which 
was spread far and wide a few centuries 
after Christ. 



Abhyanga and performs three Sava- 
nas (Soma ceremonies) (44). I 
am always worshipped five times 
by night * and day. 

A Bhojaka should not perform the 
consecration of the idol of any other 
god. He should never do even mine 
all alone ( 46). A Bhojaka should 
never eat all the food, which is 
offered (to the god) ; he should not 
go to a Sudra's house and eat (there) 
( 47). Bhojakas should always 
with effort abandon the remains of 
a Sudra's dinners. How can those 
Bhojakas, who always eat food of the 
Sudra at his house, obtain in this 
world the fruit of their worship ? 
(48-49). A conch should always 
be blown near me by a Bhojaka 
( 50). When the Shankha is blown 
all of a sudden, my love undoubtedly 
springs up, (and continues) for 6 
months, just like the hearing of 
Purana ( ol). Therefore the Shankha 
should be always sounded by a Bho- 
jaka devoutly ; his chief function is 
making offerings to me. ( 52 ). 
They are said to be Bhojakas, be- 
cause they do not eat what is not to 
be eaten ; those who (always) think 
about Maga are called Magadhas. 



(53). They always make me 
enjoy, therefore they are 

known as Bhojakas ( ^frjRTfff *Tt f*T- 
<3 ^f cf "JTteRfl": FJcTF: ) ; and the 
Abhyanga, which is the best puri- 
fier is worn with devotion ( 54 ). 
A Bhojaka, who is devoid of Abhyanga 
becomes impure without any doubt. 
He who, O hero, worships me without 
Abhyanga, has no progeny, and I do 
not love him. The head should 
be shaved and a tuft of hair kept with 
perseverance. (55-56). On Sun- 
day at night and on the 6th Tithi 
and the 7th Tithi and my Sankramana. 
day, a Bhojaka should observe fast 
out of love for me and he should 
mutter Gdyatri loudly thrice a day 

* The Zoroastrians do not worship the 
Sun at night. 



94 



before me. ( 58). Having cover- 
ed his mouth with effort and having 
abandoned silence and anger with 
perseverance, he should worship me 
( 59). He, who through avarice or 
greed gives the holy remains of my 
offerings to Sudras and Vaishyas, 
verily goes to hell ( 60 ). That 
wicked-souled Bhojaka, who through 
avarice gives my flowers to 
another, without placing them on me, 
should be known as my great enemy ; 
he is not fit to worship me. The 
remains of my offerings should be 
given to i holy) men like Brahmans 
( 61-62 ). He should always eat 
things offered to me ( 63 ). He 
who takes away flowers from my body 
should immediately throw them into 
water ; my offering should not be 
given to another Whatever fra- 
grant thing or flower has touched my 
body should never be given to 
Vaishyas or Sudras ; he should take 
it himself ; and should not sell it 
on any account ( 66 ). He who 
without placing flowers on me, gives 
them in the world, verily goes to 
hell (67). 



the Mithra worship of about the 5th 
or 6th century A. D., and were de- 
voted to the worship of the Sun-idol. 
Their religion was a mixture of Hin- 
duism and Zoroastrianism and in 
course of time they were incorporated 
into the Hindu caste. 



Conclusion. 

None of the Puranas was written 
before 400 A. D. The date of Bha- 
vishya Purana cannot be determined 
accurately, but it could not be earlier 
than 400 A. D. What is known as 
the Bhavishya Maha Purana clearly 
appears to be an extension of the 
old Purana, belonging to very recent 
times ; because, in the Pratisarga 
Parva there are chapters, which 
contain interesting particulars about 
Adam, Noah, Christ, Mahomed, 
Taimurlang, Kabir, Nanak and even 
Akbar. 

Considering all the evidence be- 
fore us, we conclude that the Magas 
were not pucca Zoroastrians. They 
appear to have been the priests of 



95 



APPENDIX, * 

Criticism on Or. Spooner's 
Paper 

Re: 

H Zoroastrian Period of 
Indian History. 

Dr. D. B. Spooner who was in 
charge of the excavations at Patli- 
putra wrote an important paper in 
the Journal of the Royal Asiatic So- 
ciety of Great Britain and Ireland in 
A. D. 1915. The paper deals with 
a novel but interesting theory about 
what he terms " a Zoroastrian period 
of Indian History " which we propose 
to discuss. 

In the very beginning we must 
say that in spite of our best efforts to 
fall in with the views of Dr. Spooner, 
we could not in our heart of hearts 
bring ourselves round to accept his 
theory, which however fascinating 
and agresable it appeared to the 
Parsi community, failed to appeal to 
us, as it was inconsistent with the 
facts and circumstances we had known 
from the histories of different reli- 
gions. We need hardly say that 
although we differ from the worthy 
Doctor on several points, still we 
thoroughly appreciate and sincerely 
admire the zeal and enthusiasm which 
inspired him in his arguments. 

Patliputra was an ancient city, the 
capital of Magadha or South Behar. 
It was the capital of Chandragupta, 
the founder of the Mauryan dynasty 
(320 to 290 B C.). f It was situated 
at the confluence of the Ganges and 
the Sona, and has been identified 
with the modern Patna. Exception 

* As stated at page 4, it was at first intend- 
ed to reserve the discussion on Dr. Spooner's 
paper for a separate book, but as his theory 
and the several points he has urged in favour 
thereof are intimately connected with the 
subject matter of this book, it was at the 
suggestion of a friend, thought advisable to 
insert our criticism here. 

t According to Max Muller 815 to 291 
B. C. (S. B. E. Vol. X Pt, I, Introd. p. 39) 



was taken to this identification, as 
Patna is not situated near the con- 
fluence of the above said rivers. This 
however has been explained by a 
change in the bed of the river Sona, 
which is established on best geogra- 
phical evidence. (Max Mullet's 
Ancient Sk. Literature, p. 280 ; Vin- 
cent Smith's Early History of India, 
p. 114). 

Patliputra * was also called Ku- 
sumpura, Kusumadhvaja and Push- 
papura, (Dutt's Anc. India Vol. II, 
p. 121; V. Smith's Early Hist. p. 31), 
and was known as Palibothra in the 
Classical writings. 

Megasthenes, who was the ambas- 
sador sent by Seleukos Nikator f to 
the court of Sandrokottos, that is, 
Chandragupta, was the author of a 
book on India. He was an acute 
observer and was of an inquisitive 
turn of mind. In this book he has 
given a faithful account of what fell 
under his observation. This work is 
lost, but numerous fragments from it 
have been preserved by Strabo, 
Arrian, Pliny and others. Megas- 
thenes describes Palibothra as being 
the Capital in those days. The city 
was a long narrow parallelogram 
about 80 stadia or 9 '2 miles long 
( stadium = 202i yards), and 15 
stadia or 1.72 miles wide, and was 
surrounded by a ditch 600 feet wide 
and 30 cubits deep. Its walls were 
adorned with 570 towers and 64 
gates. ( Me. Crindle's Anc. India, 
pp. 204-8; Smith's Early Hist, of 
India, p. 114, and Dutt's Anc. India 
Vol. I; p. 217, Cunningham's Anc. 
Geography of India, p, 452). 

* Bha"sha in his play, Act I. twice men- 
tions Pataliputra as a capital of Darsaka, 
who ruled till 464 B C. Darsaka was suc- 
ceeded by his son Udayashva. who in 460 B. 
C. built Kusumapura-"the City of Garden?" 
now Bankipore. (Hindu History by A. K. 
Mozumdar, pp. 821-322) (Archaeological 
Survey of Westren India Vol. 6, p. 48). 

f One of Alexander's great generals, and 
king of Syria, who sent Megasthenes in 800 
B. C. to Chandragupta (Rapson's Anc. 
India, p, 114.) 



96 



Asoka ( 260 to 222 B. C. ) * who 
was the grandson of Chandragupta 
built an outer masonry wall round 
this famous city and beautified it 
with innumerable stone buildings. 
A great portion of this city and the 
remains of the palace of Asoka, still 
lie buried under the houses and 
fields of the village of Kumrahar on 
the south side of the railway between 
Patna and Bankipur at a depth of 
from 10 to 20 feet. (Encycl. Bri. 
llth Ed. XX. p. 929; V. Smith's Hist, 
of India, p. 114). 

Excavations at Patliputra. 

The first excavations of Patliputra 
were made about 25 years ago under 
the supervision of Colonel Waddell, 
and Mr. P. C. Mukherji. The se- 
cond excavations were commenced 
in the beginning of 1913 by the 
Archaeological Department of the 
Government of India under Dr. 
Spooner. For this purpose the late 
Sir Ratan Tata of Bombay had made 
a munificent donation of Rs. 20,000 
every year for a number of years. 

While the excavations were being 
carried on, Dr. Spooner came across 
one big column and fragments of 
polished pillars and other relics, 
from which he concluded that there 
must have been a vast pillared hall 
on the spot. From further materials 
he concluded, that this hall was 
"square with stone columns arranged 
in square bays over the entire area, 
placed at distances of 15 feet or 10 
Mauryan cubits each from each." 
Now as it is well known, that the 
edicts of Asoka are after the style 
of the cuniform inscriptions of Da- 
rius Hystapes, and as the excavated 
columns had the peculiar Persian 
polish, it was inferred that the hall 
at Patliputra closely resembled, nay 
it was almost a copy of the throne 
room of Darius, the hall of a hundred 
columns at Perse polis. Further ex- 

* Butt's Anc. Ind. I, p. 24; and S. B. E. 
X. Pt. I ( Intro, p. 39. Dr. Bhandarkar in 
his Early Hist, of Deccan (p. 14) gives 268 
to 229 B. C. 



cavations led Dr. Spooner to believe, 
that not only the hall but its sur- 
roundings also showed close likeness 
of the Achaemenian prototype, and 
that here " we had a conscious 
Mauryan copy of Persepolis." 

Dr. Spooner being a great Archaeo- 
logist, we as laymen have nothing 
to say against his archaeological 
conclusions. But it is the literary 
evidence, which is of the utmost 
importance for us, because on this 
evidence the learned Doctor bases 
his inference as regards the "Zoro- 
astrian period of Indian History." 

Dr. Spooner observes: " Asoka 
has hitherto been credited with 
having introduced the use of stone, 
and Greeks have shared with Persians 
the hononr of inspiring him." But 
he asks : " Is there any trace of 
Greek influence at Chandragupta's 
court in all the records of Megas- 
thenes ? " 

We know that the Greeks as well 
as the Persians had assisted Chand- 
ragupta in his wars against the last 
monarch of Magadha, namely Dhana 
Nandana and it appears clear, that 
the connection of the Greeks must 
be as close as that of the Persians. 
The very fact that Megasthenes was 
frequently sent as an ambassador to 
Chandragupta proves this.* (Max 
Muller's Anc. Sk. Literature, p. 277; 
McCrindle's Anc. India, p. 88). As 
we shall see later on, the Greeks 
were as well famous for their archi- 
tectural buildings as the Persians. 
But in spite of this it might be, that 
the Mauryan hall was built after 
the design of the Persepolitan hall 
by some Persians at the court of 
Chandragupta or his successors. 

Evidence of Mahabharata 
and 71 sura Maya. 

Let us now consider the literary 
evidence. Prof. Jacobi's suggestion 

Daimachus was sent as an ambassador 
by Antiochus I. (280-261 B. C ) and Dio- 
nysius by Ptolemy Philadelphia (285-247 
B.C.) (See Rapson's Anc. India, pp. 103-4). 



97 



that the Mahabharata might throw 
some light on the question, drew the 
attention of Dr. Spooner to a passage 
in Hopkins' Great Epic ( p. 391 ). 
In this passage Hopkins remarks, that 
'the architecture, which is of stone 
and metal, is attributed in all the 
more important building operations 
to the demon Asura, or Danava Maya 
who by his magic power builds such 
huge buildings as are described, 
immense moated palaces with arches 
and a roof supported by a thousand 
columns." 

Dr. Spooner supposes, that Asura 
Maya is the exact equivalent of Ahu- 
ra Mazda, and that his association . 
with architectural buildings is in 
entire accord with the language of 
the inscription on the great Porch of 
Xerxes, wherein the emperor said, 
that " he made the portal and many 
other noble monuments in Parsa by 
the grace of Ormuzd." (J. R. A .S. 
1915, p. 444). 

Although Ahura is the exact equi- 
valent of Asura, still Mazda cannot be 
equated with Maya, as Dr. Spooner 
has himself acknowledged. But it 
is stated that an ordinary Indian 
would not care to follow the rules of 
philology and would roughly follow- 
ing the sound, equate Anura Mazda 
with Asura Maja and then Asura 
Maya. This argument is reasonable, 
but we must not forget, that ever 
since the later times of the Rigveda, 
the word Asura had come to be used 
in a bad sense and a Hindu writer, 
such as that of Mahabharata could 
hardly be expected to use a bad word 
for the Hindu deity or divine perso- 
nage connected with architecture. 

Dr. Spooner quotes a few passages 
from the sacred book of Mahabhdrata 
in support of his argument. He 
lays great stress upon the following 
passages, wherein Asura Maya thus 
speaks about himself: 



(=Arjuna ) aforetime the palaces of 
the Danavas were wrought by me." 

In this translation Dr. Spooner 
renders f^feRisft as the " Creator " 



but this is not correct, as we shall 
see hereafter. The learned Doctor 
says, that "Asura Maya was the 
Creator, and that Maya could not 
state his identity with Ormuzd in 
clearer terms ....... Neither 

in the epitaph on the Porch of Xerxes 
nor in Persia generally was Ahura 
Mazda looked upon, in Achaemenian 
times as the literal builder. But 
neither need we suppose, that in the 
days of the Mauryas, the Asura Maya 
was so looked upon either. The 
conception of the Asura Maya as an 
active architect is an essentially later 
development." 

Our objection is that, even if we 
take f^^^Tlf in the sense of the 



The passages are translated thus:- 

"For I am the Creator, the great 

Kavi of the Danavas.,.O Partha 



Creator, still the parallelism between 
the passages of the Mahabharata 
and the inscription of Xerxes, which 
Dr. Spooner refers to, fails, because 
in the Sanskrit passage the Creator 
is represented as building the 
palaces, whereas in the Persian 
inscription the palaces were wrought 
not by Ahura Mazda himself but by 
the grace of Ahura Mazda. 

Danavas. 

The other objection, to the 
argument of Dr. Spooner is the 
meaning of the word Danava. We 
are told that the Sanskrit word for 
Venus being Asura-guru (teacher 
of the Asuras ), and also Danava- 
pujita (one worshipped by the 
Danava), the Danavas were 
identical with the Asuras. 

It is not difficult to see that the 
fallacy consists in this, that although 
some of the Asuras were Ahurians 
or believers in Ahura Mazda, all* 
were not and that D&navas were 



* For example, Gayasura, Bfina'sura, 
JatSsura, Vfitapi-asurn, Illavasura could not 
be Peisian names. 



98 



probably those Asuras, * who 
did not believe in Ahura Mazda. It 
is an important question to determine 
who these Danavas were; and herein 
the knowledge both of Avesta and 
Sanskrit is quite essential. 

In two passages in the Fravardin 
Yasht ( Yt. XIII. 37, 38 ) we see, 
that the Danus were the enemies of 
Zoroastrians; for we are told that 
" where the powerful warriors raise 
a war against the Danus, there the 
Farohars go to help the warriors; 
there they break off the strength of 
the Turani Danus; there they remove 
the wickednesses of the Turani Da- 
nus." Now as Dr. Geiger says, the 
word Danu is also found in the Rig- 
veda, as well as Danava, another form 
of it. (Civilisation of Eastern Indians 
Dastur Darab Sanjana's Tr. Vol. I p. 
34). In several passages of the 
Rigveda ( IV, 30, 7 ; II, 11, 13 ) the 
Danus are represented as the ene- 
mies of the Vedic people. 

Even in the Atharva Veda f and 
Mahabharata we see, that the Dana- 
vas were treated as enemies. Accord- 
ing to Dr. Haug both in the Avesta 
(Yt. V. 73.) and the Veda ( Av. IV. 
24-2), the Danavas were the enemies 
with whom wars were 'waged. 

We thus see that the Danavas were 
enemies of those who believed in 



* An Asura is thus defined in the Chhdn- 
dogya Upanishada V1II-8-5 : 



Ahura Mazda. If then Asura Maya 
was the great god of the Danavas, he 
could not be identical with Ahura 
Mazda. 

References about Asura 
Maya in Mahabharata. 

Dr. Spooner has quoted some pass- 
ages from the Mahabharata and put 
certain interpretation upon them. To 
test the correctness of this interpre- 
tation, it is quite essential to quote 
other passages. In Chapter '^28 of 
the Adi Parva of the Mahabharata 
( called Maya-darshana Parva), we 
are told, that while the Khandava 
forest was being burnt, an Asura, 
named Maya came out of the dwell- 
ing of Takshaka and begged Arjuna 
to protect him. The words of the 
author a're: 



" Hence even at this day, one who does 
not give (in charity)) or has no faith, or 
does not sacrifice, is said to be an Asura." 
Then the writer proceeds: "They (the 
Asuras) adorn the bodies of the dead with 
gifts, with raiment and jewels, and imagine 
that by this means they shall attain the 
world to come " '(See Muir's Sanskrit 
Texts 11. p. 396). According to the 
Shatapatha Crahmana XIII-8 1-5 the 
Asuras constructed round graves. These 
Asuras could not be Zoroastrians. 

Nishambhu and Hayagriva were names 
of DSnavas, wh'ch are not Persian names. 

t Atharva VedaX-6-10, and M. Bh Vana 
Parva Chapters 94 7-11, 100 3-4, 154 
23 &c. 



II 



n 

T: I ( 89-42). 

"Then Madhu-siulana ( Krishna ) 
saw an Asura named Maya, running 
away quickly from the dwelling of 
Takshaka. Then Fire, with wind 
for its charioteer, wanted to burn 
him. So he assumed a body; and 
putting on matted hair, he thundered 
like a cloud. Knowing that he was 
Maya, who was the best of the chief 
Danavas and the best of architects, 
Vasudeva ( Krishna ) stood with a 
Chakra lifted up. 

In the Salha Parva, which is the 
second book of the Mahabharata, 
and from which Dr. Spooner has 
quoted passages to form his theory, 
Maya tells Arjuna, that as he wants 
to return his obligation, Arjuna 
should say whaj he wishes him to do. 
Maya says : 3Tf ff 



( 6 ) "I am the all-doer, a great 
sage of the Danavas. O, Pandava, 
I desire to do something for thy 
sake." 



99 



Then Arjuna answers: ^ = 3TPT 



T sfcffKt irfr n ( 7 ). 

"O Ddnava, I do not desire to fru- 
strate your intentions; do something 
for Krishna, so that I shall consider 
myself requited." In this last verse 
we clearly see, that Maya is called a 
Danava. Similarly in the Adi Parva 
( Chap. 234 18 ),' * Maya is called 
: "Maa Danava." Now 



if Ahura Mazda was the great Kavi 
(/. e. great god) of the Danavas,who, 
according to Dr Spooner, were Zoro- 
astrians, would it not be absurd to call 
Ahura Maxda a Danava that is a 
human being, and not a god '? 

Let us proceed. Krishna says to 
Maa: 




*&& rTT^ff $$ I *Riq; II ( 11-12.) 
"O best of architects, if you desire 
to do me a good turn, then O Daitya 
(=Danava), build such a hall for 
Yudhishthira, that no one in the 
whole world will be able to imitate 
it." Here again Maya is called 
" the best of architects" and he is 
to build the palace for Yudhishthira. 

Further up we read : 

m 3 cTjr^R *wf r JHTCCRT i 
rt =^> if^rer OTJJ. *mr^ u 

(15). "Then Maya, who was 
pleased, accepted his word, and made 
Pandava's beautiful hall of the form 
of a balloon." After a couple of 
verses, the author informs us, that 
"Maya began to build the palace-hall 
for the Pdndavas." (18). The sta- 
tement, that the hall was built for 
Yudhishthira or the Pandavas (that 
is, Yudhishthira and his brothers), 
is very important. For, if this hall 
was the same as that of the Mauryas, 
it might follow that the Mauryas were 
the Pandavas and this conclusion 



very few scholars will be prepared 
to accept. 

The author further tells us that: 




( 19-21). "According to the 
intention of the Pandavas and the 
high-minded Krishna, the illustri- 
ous ( Maya ) did auspicious acts. 
Then having satisfied thousands of 
best Brahmanas with ( sweet ) drink 
and giving them wealth of various 
kinds, that strong one measured 
ground, 10,000 arms square, which 
was beautiful, heaven-like and full 
of merits in all seasons." Further 
up we are told that the throne-hall 
was built in 14 months. 

Thus then the Sabha Parva clearly 
shows that Asura Maya was a 
human being. No doubt, as we shall 
presently see, Maya was endowed 
with supernatural powers in much 
later times ; but that has happened in 
the case of all illustrious persons.* 

Asura Maya in Katha- 
Sarit-Sagara. 

Now let us turn for a moment to 
Katha-Sarit-sagara a work written 
by Sonadeva in the 12th century! 
A. D., from which Dr. Spooner also 
quotes a phrase. We read in that 
book, as under : " There is a mighty 
Asura of the name Maya, famous in 



* See also Chap. 48 8 where he is also 
called Danava. 



* In the RamaAana Rama is depicted as 
a man, but in the Mahabharata he appears 
as an incarnation of \ ishnu. (R. Chanda's 
Indo-Aryan Races, p. 116). Through the 
performance of good deeds the Ribhus ob- 
tained divinity. They prove the aHmi'sion 
at an early date of the doctrine that men 
might become divinities (Wilson's Rv. IV- 
35 3, 8). 'I he Andhra King Royadoo is 
to-day worshipped as a god at Siccacollum 
on the river Krishna. (Muir's Sk. Texts 
11-432). 

t R. C. Dutt's Anc. India Vol. II, p 299. 
Max Muller's Anc. India p 243. 



100 



the three worlds. And he . . . fled 
to Shiva as his protector. Shiva, 
having promised him security, he 
built the palace of Indra. But the 
Daityas were angry with him, affirm- 
ing that he had become a partizan of 
the gods." * 

It will be seen from the above 
passage that Maya was a worshipper 
of the god Shiva. This latter fact is 
corroborated by another passage, 
where Maya advises the king Chand- 
raprabhd to perform a great sacrifice in 
honour of bhiva. (Tr. by Towney 
Vol. I. p. 416), 

The hermit Kashyapa speaks to 
Maya as a human being when he 
says : " My son, thou didst remain 
undaunted, even when Indra lifted 
up his weapon to strike, therefore 
thou shalt remain unharmed by the 
plagues of sickness and old age" (Vol. 
I. p. 434). 

Maya was well versed in the art of 
magic; for we read that " he recited 
the Sankhya and the Yoga doctrine 
with its secrets and taught the king 
the magic art of entering another 
body (Vol. I. p. 418). 

In some places we find that Maya 
was endowed with supernatural 
powers. We read, for instance, that 
Maya took leave of the king and 
quickly carried off to Patala, Surya- 

prabhah and his ministers There 

he taught the prince ascetic practices 
of such a kind, that by means of 
them, the prince and his ministers 
quickly acquired the sciences. And 
he taught him also the art of pro- 
viding himself with magic chariots." 
(Vol I. p. 407 ). 

The fact, that Asura Maya had 
built the assembly hall of Yudhish- 
thira, is also mentioned in the 
Katha-sarit-Sagara, where we read: 
"There is a great Asura Maya by 
name, an incarnation of Vishvar- 
karman, who made the assembly 
hall of Yudhishthira " (Vol I. p. 
310). 



* Translation by Towney I. p, 258. 



Finally, we are told in several 
places, that Maya was "the king of 
the Danavas (Vol I. pp. 414, 421 ) 
and "the excellent Danava." 

W e thus see, that the Katha-sarit 
sagara completely corroborates the 
story of Mahabharata and streng- 
thens our conclusion about Maya 
being a human personage with this 
difference, that in some places he is 
represented as being possessed of 
miraculous powers. He was pro- 
bably a foreigner and had sub- 
sequently become a worshipper of 
Shiva. 

There are references to Maya in 
the Surya Siddhanta also, according 
to which some lime before the end 
of the Krita age, Maya practised 
the most difficult penance and 
obtained knowledge of astronomy. 

Probable Date of Asura 
Maya. 

Now let us for a moment consider 
the question of dates. We admit, 
that the dates of all ancient works 
cannot be determined with accuracy. 
The early portions of the Maha- 
bharata are supposed to belong to 

B. C. 1000 to 800, and the later 
interpolations to 400 B. C.* (Bom. 
Gazetteer Vol. I. pt. I. p. 11; Butt's 
Anc. India Vol I. p. 1*20 ff ). The 
latest date assigned to the Ranayava 
by Gorresio is 950 B. C. Therefore, 
since the story of Maya is mentined 
in these Epics, the conclusion is that 
Maya may have lived before 400 B. 

C. But this conclusion may not be 
readily accepted, specially because 
R. Chanda and Vaidya assign the 
date 200 B. C. and 100 B. C. 
respectively to the present form of 
the Mahabharata. We have, however, 
more substantial ground to go upon. 

The name of the important per- 
sonages of the Mahabharata-such as 

* Mr. Ram&prasad Chandra states that the 
M. Bh. was reduced to its present form 
about 210 B.C. (Indo-Aryan Races, p. 116). 
It is however mentioned in Ashvala"yan's 
Grihya Sutras and in Panini VI-2-38 
idem p. 28). 



ici 



Yudhishthira, Arjuna, Bhima, Su- 
bhadra &c. are distinctly mentioned 
in Panini's grammar, which accord- 
ing to Prof. Max Muller belonged 
to 400 B. C., and according to Sir 
Ramkrishna Bhandarkar 800 B. C. 
(Anc. Sk. Lit. p. 44. B. R. A. J. 
1885 p. 341). Therefore, Yudhi- 
shthira must have lived before 400 
B. C.* at the latest. Now if Asura 
Maya built the palace for Yudhish- 
thira, as we gather from the old 
traditions in the Mahabharata and 
Katha-sarit-sagara, the conclusion 
is that Maya did so before 400 B. C. 

a. date long prior to the date of 

the Mauryan kings. According to some 
later Hindu writers, as will be seen 
hereafter, Maya was a Yavana or 
Greek. If so, he could not be the 
actual builder of the palace of 
Yudhishthira and must therefore be 
an architect of later times. But in 
our opinion the writer who called 
Maya a Yavana used that word in 
the sense of a foreigner, while later 
writers took it in the sense of a per- 
son of the Greek nationality. 

Why is Hsura called 
Yishva-Karma ? 

We have seen that Maya was an 
architect, an astronomer, a ma- 
gician and an expert in ascetic 
practices, and as the Katha-sarit- 
sagara says " he was a treasure 
house of all sciences (Vol I. p. 432). 
Therefore he might well be called 
Vishva karma "a. man of all works." 

This is also one of the senses of 
that word in the Rigveda (X.-166-4). 
Asura Maya was not H^I^W the 
" Creator," he was simply an " all- 
doer. " He was not a Kavi orj"god" 
of the Danavas, he was merely a 
" sage " of the Danavas, a " king of 
the Danavas, " an " excellent Da- 
nava. " 

* According to R. Shamshashtri, Yudhi- 
shthira died in 1260 B. C. (Gavam 
Ayanam p. 153). Varaha Mihira says in 
Brihat Samhita ( XIII-3 ) that the Great 
Bear was in Magha\ when that king luled, 
that is in B. C. 2448 (Dr. Kern's trans- 
lation J. R. A. ?. New Series Vol. I p. 79), 



Patliputra built by Magic (!) 

Dr. Spooner refers to Katha-Sarit- 
Sagara, in which occurs the phrase 
TnirftcT qkf^H According to the 
learned Doctor this signifies, 
that Patliputra was built by magic ; 
and magic was the peculiar property 
of the Zoroastrian Magians. We regret 
we cannot agree to this. The other 
nations knew magic as well as the 
Magi. The Hindus practised magic. 
For example it is stated that Maricha 
the friend of Ravana, turned himself 
by his magic power into a golden 
deer, which carried away Sita * 
(Griffith's Ramayana, p. 277). 



Therefore the phrase 
qBr^J^t d oes not carry us fur- 
ther than the fact, that Patliputra 
was built by the Danavas, who were 
expert in magic. 

We are inclined to believe, that the 
description of Patliputra being built 
by magic, is metaphorical. Fa Hian 
the Chinese traveller uses a similar 
metaphor, when he says about Patli- 
putra, that: "In the city is the 
royal palace, the different parts of 
which Asoka commissioned the genii 
to construct, by piling up the stones. 
The walls, door-ways and sculptured 
designs are no human work." (Dutt's 
Anc. Hist. Vol. I p. 58). The meta- 
phor is not difficult to understand. 
We have seen, that at one time the 
Danavas were the enemies of the 
Indian Aryans. But the word 
" Danavas " was also used in its ex- 
tended sense of the '" enemies of 
gods, " f or " demons, " as we clearly 



* The BrShmana Indradatta passed into 
the body of the dead king Nanda of Magadha 
and made grants to Brahmans out of the 
dead king's mouth. Ammianus Marcel- 
linus (A. D. 380) heard that the Brahmans 
moved in the air among the altars ; in the 
ea^ly sixth century the Chinese traveller 
Sung-Yun found, under Brahman spells a 
dragon turned into a man ; he was himself 
cured of sickness by charms ( For authorities 
see Bom. Gaz. Vol. 9, p, 437 ). 

f See Geiger's C. E. I. tr. by Dr. Darab 
Sanjaoa I. p. 84 ; Wilson's Vishnu Pur&na 
p. 72, Sacred Books of Marathas IX p, 77 
andM. Bh. XII, 185-122. 



see in the Mahabharata in the Vishnu 
Purana, and in the Garuda Purana. - 

Now the descriptions of the palaces 
referred to in the Mahabharata, 
Ramayana &c. shows that it was the 
usual practice to attribute the erection 
of large magnificent palaces of later 
times to Danavas or demons. We 
can thus easily understand why the 
Chinese traveller Fa Hian and also 
Houen Tsang * said that the build- 
ings were built by genii. 

Hsura Maya according 
to Weber. 

Let us now see, what European 
scholars have to say about the iden- 
tification of Asura Maya and his 
nationality. On of the inscriptions 
of Asoka gives the clue. Therein 
we read : 




(See Wilson's Rock Inscriptions, 
p. 73). f 

" Where the King of the Yonas 
(Greeks), Antiyoka by name dwells 
and beyond this Antiyoka (dwell) the 
four kings, Turamaya by name, Anti- 
kina by name, Maka by name, and 
Alikasudara J by name. " 

* These travellers came to India ia A. D. 
399-413 and 629-645 respectively (Cunning- 
ham's Anc. Geography pp. VIII, IX). 

T The 13th Edict at Shatibazoiri <*ive.v 
the text in full thus : 




( Epigraphia 
Indica II. p. 463). 

The inscriptions of Asoka are found al 
Girnar near Jun&gad in Kathiawar. at 
Dauli in Kattak, ;it Kapurdigiri or Sah- 
bazgiri in Afghanistan, at Jangad near 
Ganjam in the Northern Circars, and at 
Khalsi, near Masuri, in the Himalayas 
(B. B. R. A S. XVI, P. 308), 

J These sovereigns were : (1) Antiochus 
II of Syria (B. C. 261-246), (2) Ptolemy 
Philadelphus of fcgypt (B. C. 285-247), 
(8) Antigonus Gonatas of Macedon (B C. 
217-239), (4) Magas of Cyrene (B. C. 285- 
239) and (5) Alexander of Epirus (B. C' 



Scholars have identified the king 
Turamaya mentioned in the inscrip- 
tion with Ptolemy of Egypt who ruled 
from 285 B. C. to 247 B. C. ( Me. 
Crindle's Anc. India 374, 52; Dutt's 
Anc. India 11-12 ff ). Thus then 
we see that the name Ptolemy assum- 
ed the form "Turamaya"* into 
Pali. 

Prof. Weber thinks that " Asura 
Maya was Turamaya or Ptolemaios 
of the Greeks " (Hist of Indian Lit. 
pp. 253, 274 ). Burgess in his Surya 
Sidhanta says, that " this conjec- 
ture of Weber is powerfully supported 
by the fact, that Al-Biruni ascribes 

the Paulica Sidhanta to Paulus- 

al-Yunani, Paulus the Greek. " But 
the question is whether Ptolemy 
Philadelphus or his predecessor or 
successor known as Ptolemy or any- 
other Ptolemy is referred to in the 
passage of the Mahabharata, which 
we are considering. It is true that 
Ptolemy, who was called the son of 
Lagos, but who was in reality the son 
of Phillip was one of the generals 
appointed by Alexander in his Indian 
conquests. This Ptolemy may have 
come into close contact with the 
Indians. But we have no definite 
evidence to say, who was the archi- 
tect of the palaces. 

Were the Palaces Built by 
Greeks or Persians ? 

The next question is, whether the 
palaces were built by some architect 
belonging to the Greek nationality. 
We must say, that there is a conside- 
rable difference of opinion among 
the scholars about the influence exer- 
cised by Greek architecture over 
India. We give below the opinions 
of some. Vincent Smith says, that 

there is no evidence, that Greek 



272). (SeeKapson's Anc. India p. 21), 
The dates of the deaths of these kings as 
given by Lassen differ somewhat (See 
Epigraphia Indica I r , p. 471). 

* ^ in Sanskrit becomes ^ in Pali, 
thus ^TT^cTrrllfc^. Similarly dropping ^ 
the word ^^- becomes 9^ into Pali. 



103 



architecture was introduced into 
India.... The earliest known example 
of Indo-Greek sculpture belongs to 
the reign of Azes (50 B. C.)" (Early 
Hist. pp. 212-213), Weber informs 
that in the most ancient edifices, the 
presence of Greek influence is un- 
mistakable ( Hist, of Indian Lit. 
p. 274). Sir John Marshall observes 
that the columns and capitals of 
Asoka were wrought by Greco-Per- 
sian masons (J. R. A. S. 1915 p. 71). 
Major-General Cunningham, noting 
a few specimens of the Lndo-Persian 
Style of architecture, which according 
to him belonged to the two centuries 
between 50 B. C. and 150 A. D., 
says : "As the different styles of 
Greek architecture must have been 
introduced into the Kabul valley and 
the districts lying along the Indus 
as early as B. C. 200, it is a source 
of great disappointment to me, that 
no specimen of Indo-Grecian archi- 
tecture has been discovered, to which 
I can assign an earlier date than 
about SO B.C." (Archaeological Survey 
Vol. V, pp. 185-89). R. C Dutt 
concludes, that the Greek influence 
greatly modified the style of architec- 
ture of Gandhar Viharas or mona- 
steries, and many capitals and figures 
discovered in the Punjab are distinct- 
ly Greek in style (Anc. India II, 
p. 80). 

Asoka has been credited with 
having introduced the use of stone 
for buildings, and it is believed by 
some scholars, that in this he was 
inspired by the Greeks, and by other 
scholars, that he was inspired by the 
Persians. Sir John Marshall is of 
former opinion, Dr. Spooner holds the 
latter opinion. 

In the face of this contradictory 
evidence it would not be safe to 
assert, that the palaces of the Maha- 
bharata were built under the super- 
vision of a Greek architect. 

Palaces in Mahabharata. 

Now we might well ask, whether 
there is anything in the passages of 
the Mahabharata to show, that the 



palaces referred to therein were the 
palaces of Patliputra- We answer, 
that there is no such proof. * 

On the contrary the proof is 
against such a theory. From several 
passages in the Mahabharata, we find 
that the Sabha or hall was built in 
Indraprasthaf and not in Patliputra. 
Indraprastha has been identified with 
the modern Inderpat near Delhi ; it 
stood on the left bank of the Yamuna 
while Delhi stands on the right, 
whereas, as we have already seen, 
Patliputra was situated at the con- 
fluence of the Ganges and the Sona. 
(See M. Bh. Sabha Parva Chapter 
1-21, 11-1, XXII-19, 20). Thus 
these two cities were totally distinct 
cities, and therefore the palaces in 
them were not identical. 

Dr. Spooner quotes verses from the 
Mahabharata to show, that Maya 
built in former times splendid palaces, 
pavilions, pleasure gardens, fancy 
ponds &c. tor the Danavas. These 
Danavas (or Asuras, as they were 
called) were not the aboriginal tribes 
of India. There is so specific evi- 
dence, that the early Hindus had 
such buildings. Passages quoted by 
Curtius and Strabo from Megasthenes 
show that we come across similar 
buildings, pavilions, gardens, ponds 
&c. belonging to the Court ofChand- 
ragupta. Therefore Dr. Spooner 
would identify the palaces &c. men- 
tioned in the Mahabharata with those 
of Chandragupta at Patliputra. 

* Unless it is conclusively proved, that all 
the passages relating to the Sabha: (or Hall) 
were later interpolations. We know that 
some scholars hold this opinion but the fact 
that both the Mahabharata and the Kathasa- 
rit-sagara distinctly menti ^n, that the Hall 
was built r-y Maya for Yudhishthira points to 
a deep-rooted tradition in olden times. Mr. 
Yaidya has, in his book, given a list of the 
Chapters which appear to him to be later 
interpolations by Sauti the third eoitor of 
the Mahabharata (between 800 and 200 B.C.) 
but the chapters relating to the SaBha are net 
included in the list (See Vaidya s MahS- 
bhaTata pp. 193, 196). 

t Its another name was Khandavaprastha. 
It vas the capital of Yudhisthira and the 
Pandavas. See Vaidya's MahSbhSrata p. 19, 



104 



We are sorry, we cannot readily 
accept this conclusion. In the Adi 
Parva (Chapter 207) of the Maha- 
bharata, there is a beautiful descrip- 
tion of the town, Indraprastha, which 
so closely resembles that of Patli- 
putra given by Megasthenes, that 
we shall quote a few stray passages 
from the Chapter referred to there. 



fcTSdl II 



II ( 30-31 ). 

" It was adorned with a ditch as 
deep as the sea, and was surrounded 
by a rampart wall, which reached the 
skies. It shone with doors as beau- 
tiful as the wings of a garuda bird, 
and with tall houses ; it was closed 
by gates, which reached the sky and 
resembled Mandara mountain." 



( 36-S7 ) 

" It was shining with several, best, 
white mansions. It resembled heaven 
and was called Indraprastha .... 
There in that delightful blessed 
region, there was the palace of the 
Kaurava." 




II ( 48) 

There all architects came to 
reside. On all sides of the town, 
there were delightful gardens. It 
shone with houses, as pure as looking- 
glasses, with vine pavilions of various 
kinds, with pleasant picture-houses 
and artificial mounds. Beautiful lotus- 
ponds of various kinds, covered over 
with lotuses were there ; and (also) 
many large and delightful lakes." 

It will thus be seen, that the above 
description of the town Indraprastha 
is almost the same as that of Patli- 
putra. Jn the Epic period, the 



Hindus had many clever architects. 
Besides the royal hall at Indraprastha, 
we read of another grand hall, built 
at Hastindpura a town situated 
about 50 miles north-east of the 
modern Delhi. In the 49th Chapter 
of the Sabha Parva (48), Dhrita- 
rashtra, father of Duryodhana, the 
king of the Kurus, says : 
f fcff 3ldK'l ^W ITT I 
3TTU ft^J Rlfr^M: II " Let the archi- 
tects quickly build for me a large, 
pretty and beautiful hall, with one 
thousand pillars and one hundred 
doors." 



" Let able men quickly build for me 
a grand hall, one kos in length and 
breadth, with a thousand pillars, with 
pictures of gold and lapis lazuli, with 
one hundred doors, and with crystal 
festoons." 

Then we are told, that thousands 
of clever architects ( W^3T : ft&W : 
^"tfi'df : ) built the hall, which was 
similar to that of the Pandavas (see 
Sabha Parva Chap. 56, 15-20, 
Chap 53 7). Now according to 
the Mahabharata, the blind king, 
Dhritarahtra with his hundred sons, 
continued to rule at the old capital 
of Hastindpura on the Ganges, while 
he assigned to his nephews, the five 
Pandus, a district on the Jamna, 
where they founded Indraprastha. 
(Rapson's Anc. India p. 173). Thus 
we see that these two were totally 
different cities, and each contained a 
royal hall in it. 

Buildings in Rigvedic and 
Later Times. 

We come across thousand-pillared 
buildings in the Rigveda, in the 
second book of which we read : 
" Those two kings , . . . . take 
their seat in their supremest house, 
the thousand-pillared, firmly-based" 
(Rv. II-41-5, V-62-6). In another 
place, we read of Varuna's house 
with thousand portals (Rv. VII-88-5). 
IH a third place we have a reference 



105 



to a "hundred stone-built towns" 
(Rv. IV-30- 



20). This passage* is very import- 
ant, as showing that stone-built 
towns were known even in the 
Rigvedic times. Dutt rightly says 
about the Vedic Hindus, that " in 
numerous Hindu towns many struc- 
tures and surrounding walls were of 
stone. That the art of building was 
carried to some degree of excellence 
appears from many allusions to man- 
sions with thousand pillars " (Anc. 
India Vol. I, p. 46). 

In the Epic period (1400 to 1000 
B. C.) also the Hindus built many 
beautiful cities and palaces. 

In the Apastamba Sutra (11-10-25), 
the king is directed to build a royal 
town and a palace for himself, so 
that "the palace shall stand in the 
heart of the town and in front of it, 
there shall be a hall, called the hall 
of invitation." This work of Apas- 
tamba belonged to the Rationalistic 
period, that is, between 1000 B. C. 
to 320B.'C (Dutt's Anc. India I, 
pp. 14, 220 ). 

We therefore cannot agree with 
Dr. Spooner, when he says, that 
"there is one period of Indian history 
and one Indian Court, where definite 
evidence exists for just such things, 
as are mentioned in the Mahabha- 
rata, and the works of the Classical 
writers, who have quoted Megas- 
thenes." 

Mr. Kharegat's Views about 
ftsura Maya and the Hall. 

In reply to our letter Mr. Mun- 
cherji Pestanji Kharegat (I. C. S., 
retired) writes his views as under: 

The passage of the Brihat Jataka 
alluded to by me at last Saturday's 

* Col. Waddell says that the buildings 
previous to his (Asoka's) epoch, as well as 
the walls of the city, seem to have been of 
wood." (Col. Waddell's Report of Excava- 
tions at Patliputra p. 1). Cunningham 
holds a different opinion. (Archaeological 
Reports XXII. Introd. p. 4). 



meeting * is the 1st verse of the 7th 
Adhyaya, which deals with Ayurddya 
or length of life. It runs : 



'* The years assigned by Maya 
Yavana, Manittha and Saktipurva 
( i. e. Parasara ) to the Sun and 
others (moon and five planets), 
when they are all in their exaltations 
are (respectively ) ten accompanied 
by nine, fifteen, five, two, five, 
eleven, and ten ( i. e. 19, 25, 15, 
12, 15, 21 and 20 ). 

Bhattotpala in his commentary 
on this passage says : 4|4*iWI ^M|: 
?^5^RR5Rn^ : I " The person named 
Maya was a Danava who had obtained 
the favour of a gift from the Sun." 
This commentary is of Shaba 888 
(976 A. D.) 

You will find references to Maya 

(a) in Weber's Sanskrit Litera- 
ture pp. 253, 254, 260, 274 
and 275 (3rd edition of 
1892). 

(3) in S. B. Dikshit's (Marathi) 
History of Indian Astronomy 
pp. 178, 468, 482, 486 and 
513. 

(c) Whitney's and Burgess' Su- 
rya Siddhanta comments 
on the opening 8 verses. 

{d] Dawson's Dictionary of Hin- 
du Mythology. 

In the present Surya Siddhanta, 
Maya is said to propitiate the Sun 
(Surya) by great penance and to 
obtain knowledge of astronomy from 
him through a representative of the 
Sun, and to communicate it later on 
to some Rishis. In the second verse 
Maya is described as J-HHWI *TU^: I 
Ranganatha in his commentary on 
the Surya Siddhanta (Shaka 1525 

* Meeting of the Society for the Promotion 
of Research into Zoroastrian Religion held 
on 9th June 1917, where the first part of the 
Paper was read, 



106 



A. D. 1603) says: f^rfcf ^TNT 



Weber (p. 253) says, that " accord- 
ing to later tradition (that of Jnan- 
Bhaskara, for .instance > this Maya is 
distinctly assigned to Romaka-pura 
in the West." I have not got the 
Jnana-Bhaskara, which appears to 
be a work on medicine. But we 
find the same tradition in some copies 
of the Surya Siddhanta. In some of 
these (one of which copies was seen 
by Dikshit and two by Burgess) the 
7th Shloka of the 1st Adhyaya is: 

^rt 



( The Sun says to Maya after his 
penance) : " Therefore do you go 
to your native city ; while I am (or 
perhaps, you are) holding the Avatara 
of a-Mlechha owing to the curse of 
Brahma." 

Dikshit thinks this Shloka to be a 
later interpolation and Whitney thinks, 
it is a part of the original book. 
However that may be, it seems, that 
the Hindus themselves had the tra- 
dition of Maya being a Greek long 
before the time of the modern 
European scholars. 

The tradition is also supported by 
a statement of Al-Biruni in his work 
on India ( Ch. XIV p. 157 of 
Sachau's translation Vol. I ), that one 
of the authors of a Jataka work was 
Mau the Greek ; this seems to be a 
transcription of JPI 333. He is 
mentioned in connection with 
Parasara, Satya and Manittha, so 
that there can be little doubt, that 
he is the same as the Maya of the 
Hindu writers, and thus the tradition 
seems to be at least as old as 
1030 A. D. 

That Maya's name became known 
to the Hindus at a late stage may 
also be inferred from the fact, that 
it does not occur in the old Vedic 
literature or even in the Brahmanas, 
or even in Panini (so far as I 
know ). This name is not quoted 
by Macdonell in his Vedic Mytho- 



logy or Index. He is therefore not 
an ancient Asura, but a foreigner, 
who had been, according to the 
custom of ihe Hindus, called a 
Daitya, Danava or Asura. 

It may be noted, that Maya's name 
is also quoted in connection with the 
building of houses ( Vastu Adhyaya 
and Vajralepa Adhyaya ) in Varaha's 
Brihat Samhita and lines from his 
work are also quoted by the 
Commentator Utpala. This work 
may have been a special one on 
a'chitecture. or a general one like 
Varaha's Samhita. One can easily un- 
derstand, how to such a writer came 
to be ascribed the building of the 
Sabha Mandapa in the Mahabharata. 

Of course as I said at the meeting, 
the fact that Maya was a foreigner, 
does not by any means justify his 
identification with Mazda. Neither 
the position ascribed to him, nor the 
acts done by him. as was pointed -out 
by you, bear any resemblance to 
those of Ahura Mazda; his position 
as well as his acts are those of a 
man, cleverer than ordinary but still 
a man. At the time the epithet 
Maya came to be applied to him, the 
Hindus did not certainly use the 
word to mean a god but just the 
reverse. 

I may remark, that Hindus may 
have pillared halls long before the 
Mauryan dynasty, as pointed out by 
you, but it seems probable that those 
pillars were of wood. Of course one 
cannot be sure in the matter. But 
the absence of the remains of any 
stone structures of times preceding 
Mauryas, as well as the testimony of 
Megasthenes about the wooden 
architecture of Patliputra seem to 
point to this conclusion. 

eunninqham's pinion about 
Stone Buildings. 

With reference to Mr. Kharegat's 
remark in the last para we take the 
liberty to point out, that Major- 
General Cunningham holds a diffe- 
rent opinion. He says: "I have long 



107 



held the opinion, that the Hindus 
knew and practised the art of stone- 
cutting at least two centuries before 
the time of Asoka. Indeed the very 
name Taxila or Takshashila Nagar 
' the city of cut-stone buildings' 
proves, that the art was known and 
used long before the time of Alexan- 
der." (Cunningham's Archaeological 
Reports XXII Intro, p. IV.) 

Were the Mauryas Zoroas- 
trians ? 

Dr. Spooner takes us a step further 
when he says: "The palaces, to 
which the Mahabhftrata refers, are 
those of Patliputra. We have, how- 
ever, seen above, in the line 



5^T TT^ that these structures were 
erected by the Danavas, who accord- 
ing to Weber were a foreign people. 
But if, the monarchs for whom 
Persian palaces were built by a 
divine spirit reminiscent of Ahura 
Mazda, were themselves non-Hindu 
as the Mahabharaia implies, it fol- 
lows obviously enough, that they 
must have been Iranian in race and 
Zoroastrian in faith. Were then the 
Mauryas Zoroastrians ? I do not 
myself see any escape from this 
conclusion. The logic of the argu- 
ment seems to me unimpeachable." 
Further up the learned Doctor 
proceeds to argue that the Indians 
pronounced the Avestan word Dan- 
ghdvo (the cognate of Sanskrit 
Dasyavah} as Ddnavah and as Manu 
associated the Pahlavas, who were 
Zoroastrians, with the Dasyavah the 
Danavas were Zoroastrians. There- 
fore if the Mauryas were Danavas, 
they were Zoroastrians. 

Our answer to the above argument 
is that the students of the Maha- 
bharata know, that the Danavas were 
not Zoroastrians. They were the 
sons and descendants of Danu, one 
of the daughters of Daksha. About 
50 Danavas have been named in the 
Adi Parva, Chapter 65, but none of 
the names is Iranian. 



We know, that Dainghdw is the 
plural form of Dainghu, which is 
but another form of Dakhyu. The 
exact Sanskrit equivalent of Dakhyu 
is Dasyu. As we have already seen 
the Avestan Ddnu is the same as the 
Sanskrit Ddnu. Therefore Ddnu and 
Dasyu are quite distinct terms, bear- 
ing opposite meanings ; for, the Danus 
were the enemies of the Zoroastrians. 
We therefore cannot admit, that the 
Dainghdvo were the same as the 
Danavas, although we agree with Dr. 
Spooner's remark, that " One cannot 
too strongly stress the fact, that in 
dealing with foreign names and 
borrowed foreign words in India, the 
rules of ordinary phonetics can almost 
never be applied." 

We now come to the question : 
' Were the Mauryas Zoroastrians ? " 
Dr. Spooner adduces proofs to show, 
that not only Chandragupta was a 
Zoroastrian, but that even Chdnakya,* 
the well-known Brahman Minister 
of Chandragupta was a Zoroastrian. 
As Asoka was a great patron of the 
Buddhists, attempts were made by 
Buddhist writers to prove that 
Chandragupta belonged to the same 
family as Buddha. But we are sur- 
prised when Dr. Spooner tries to 
show, that Buddha also was a Zoroas- 
trian. 

The name Maurya\ arrests our 
attention first. A native tradition 
assigns the paternity of Chandra- 
gupta to Dhana Nandana ( the last 
of the Nanda kings, who ruled over 
Magadha ) by a woman of Sudra 
caste named Mura. The Brahmana 
Chanakva made this base-born 
child of the king the instrument of 
his wicked designs, and putting 
Nanda and his sons to death, placed 
him on the throne. Dr. Spooner 
does not believe this story of Mura 

* Otherwise called Kautilya or Vishnu- 
gupta (V, Smith's Hist, of India p. 36) or 
Dramila, which name is inscribed on Kan- 
heri rock (8. B. R. A. S, V. p. 2-29.) 

t Traces of the Mauryas remain in the 
Maratha surname More (Bom. Gaz, Vel. 
13 p. 420). 



108 



but we must say, that the classical 
writer Justin confirms it, when he 
says that " he was of humble origin" 
(Max Mailer's Anc. Sk. Lit. 
p. 275). 

There is another story, related in 
the Buddhistic books, which is not 
referred to by Dr. Spooner. Tradi- 
tion runs, that Chandragupta's 
father reigned over a small kingdom, 
situated in a valley among the 
Himalayas and called Maurya, from 
the great number of Mayura or pea- 
cocks. He was killed in an invasion 
by his enemies, but his queen 
escaped to Patliputra, where she 
gave birth to Chandragupta. She 
exposed him in the neighbourhood 
of a cattle shed. A bull named 
Chandra protected him for some time. 
The child was found by a shepherd, 
who called him Chandragupta, i. e. 
"protected by the bull Chandra." 
At that time a Brahman named Cha- 
nakya, who came from the city of 
Taxila in the Punjab, was living in 
Patliputra. To him Dhana Nandana, 
the king of Patliputra, had given an 
insult. Consequently Chanakya was 
casting about for means to effect the 
destruction of the king. He bought 
the royal boy Chandragupta from the 
shepherd and trained him in the 
art of war. Chandragupta in due 
course collected a force of mercina- 
ries, invaded Magadha, killed the 
king and captured his capital Palti- 
putra. This tradition is found in a 
Ceylonese chronicle, named Maha- 
vamso* and in a Pali commentary 
named Atthkatha, a commentary on 
Dhammapada by Buddhaghosha, 
written in the 5th century A. D. 
[ Bhandarkar's Early Hist, of 
Deccan p. 11, B. B. R. A. S. 1885 
p, 276 ]. In these books Chanakya 
is clearly referred to as the " Brah- 
mana Chanakko." The Vishnu Pura- 
na calls him "the Brahmana Kauti- 
lya" (Wilson's tr. p. 468 ). In the 

* Pali epic poem of Ceylon written in the 
6th century A. D. ( Rapson's Anc. India 
p. 75) Max Muller gives the date 459-477 
A,D. (see S.B.E. Vol. 10 Pt. I Intro, p.39.) 



Sanskrit drama Mudhra Rakshasha 
also he is spoken of as a Brahmana, 
who had taken a vow, that he would 
not tie up his tuft of hair, until he 
had completed his task. 

According to Prof. Max Muller 
the title Maurya was used by the 
Buddhists as a proof of Asoka's royal 
decent, although it is explained by 
the Brahmanas as a metronimic 
Mura being given as the name of 
one of Nanda's wives. This how- 
ever only rests on the authority of 
the commentator of the Vishnu 
Purana;* but Chandragupta's rela- 
tionship with Nanda and so also his 
low caste origin, are confirmed by 
the Mudra-Raksnashat(Max Muller's 
Anc. Sk. Lit. p. 297.) 

Alouru, Merv and Meru. 

Dr. Spooner connects the name 
Maurya, with the Avestan town 
Mouru, which is known as Margu in 
the Achaemenian inscriptions. He 
goes a step further and locates the 
mount Meru of the Hindu mythology 
in Merv. But he does not take this 
Merv to be the modern Merv, since 
he identifies it with Mervdasht, the 
plain of Merv, sometimes called the 
plain of Murghab, on which the 
Persepolitan platform stands, and 
on the strength of this identification 
he argues that the royal hall at 
Patliputra was erected against a 
sacred mountain, just as was 
the case at Persepolis. But as 
Dr. J. J. Modi has pointed out, it is 
certain that at least the Mouru of the 
Vendidad is the Central Asian Merv, 
and not the Merv of the Mervdasht 
or Murgab in the west. ( Asiatic 
Papers Pt. II p. 268 ). Dr. Modi 
thinks that the names Mervdasht and 
Murgab, which are applied to places 
near Persepolis are more modern, not 
Achaemenian or old Iranian ( idem 
p. 269 ). We therefore think that 
Meru could not be in Iran. Nay, ac- 

* See Wilson's tr. p. 469. 

t In Act 111-11 Chandragupta is called 
Maurya vrishala i.e. Maurya the Sudra. 



109 



cording to some scholars it was 
only a fabulous mountain. 

Dr. Spooner urges that Mourva is 
an altogether fitting centre for the 
Meru legend for the following rea- 
sons : (1) A Pali tradition runs that 
the Asuras were located at its base 
and the Heaven of the Thirty-three 
gods was situated upon its summit. 

(2) This number " thirty-three " 
has according to the learned Doctor 
peculiarly Zoroastrian associations. 

(3) The recorded height of the 
mountain is also Zoroastrian. The 
Puranas tell us, it was84,000j'0/a//tf.y 
high. The number is curious. It is 
derived by multiplying the two pre- 
eminently sacred numbers of the 
Persians, seven and twelve. 

We regret, we cannot subscribe 
to the above opinion. The 
number "thirty-three" was a very 
usual number among the Hindus 
also, as we shall see hereafter. 
The numbers seven and twelve were 
equally sacred among the Hindus. 
For instance in the Rigveda we read 
about 7 horses of the Sun, 7 metres 
of the Veda, 7 priests, 7 regions of 
the earth, 7 Rishis, 7 rivers, 7 Adi- 
tyas, 7 castles, 7 communities, 7 
fiends, 7 flames, 7 hotris, 7 singers, 
7 sisters, 7 splendours and many 
other seven things. In the white 
Yajur Veda we read of 7 waters, 7 
Hotars, 7 domestic animals, 7 organs 
of perception, 7 vital airs, 7 mansions 
of Agni, 7 logs of wood. Instances 
might be multiplied ad nauseam. 
Similarly about the number twelve. 
We know of 12 days, * 12 moons, 
12 forms, 12 spokes, 12 Adityas, 12 
letters of Jagati Chhanda f etc. 

Alleged Proofs about 
Mauryas being Zoroastrians. 

Dr. Spooner produces four kinds 
of further proof to show that the Mau- 
ryas were Zoroastrians namely, 

* Cf Prakrit Yadna. 

t For this and "12 days" see M. Bh. 
Vana Parva Chap. 184 19. 



(1) the evidence of the coins ; (2) a 
passage in Patanjali ; (3) aversion 
to the Mauryas ; (4) assistance from 
Persian troops. We shall have to 
deal with each of these questions at 
some length. 

(I.) Evidence of Coins 

Now first as regards the coins. 
What are called the "punch-marked" 
coins, were the oldest coins of India. 
They were so called, because the 
devices on the coins were impressed 
not by means of a die, covering the 
face of the coin, but by separate 
punches applied irregularly at various 
points on the surface. According 
to Vincent Smith, these coins were 
a private coinage issued by guilds 
and silversmiths with the permission 
of the ruling powers. The obverse 
punches were impressed by the 
different moneyers, and the reverse 
marks were the signs of approval by 
the controlling authority (V. Smith's 
Catalogue of Coins p. 183). Dr. 
Spooner opposes this theory. In 
his opinion these were Mauryan coins, 
the component parts of which were a 
symbol of the sun, a group of suns, 
a branch, a bull and a chaitya. The 
sun was worshipped by the Zoroa- 
strians. The branch, which is un- 
traceable in the Hindu Symbolism 
is, according to Dr. Spooner, in- 
telligible as the sacred branch 
of Haoma. The bull was the 
Mithraic bull. The Chaitya, which 
signified a hill, suggested the mount 
Meru, which was situated in Merv in 
Iran. Hence from this evidence 
of the Mauryan coins, the learned 
Doctor thinks, that the Mauryas were 
Zoroastrians. 

A conclusive answer to these 
arguments is furnished by the mono- 
graph of E. Thomas, entitled " the 
Earliest Indian Coinage. " We can 
only quote extracts. As to the 
symbol of the sun, he says : 

" Savitri or Surya undoubtedly 
held a high position in the primitive 
Vedic theogony ; and it is a coinci- 
dence singularly in accord with its 



110 



typical isolation on these pieces, that 
the Indo- Aryans, unlike their Persian 
brethren, dissociated the sun from 

all other planetary bodies Then 

again arises the question, as to 
whether the sun-type, which 
appears the earliest among all the 

mint dies does not refer to the 

Indian traditionary family of the 
Surya Vamsas " (p. 9). 

The symbol of Chaitya is important. 
It is a pyramidical symbol, usually 
made up of two semi-circles placed 
side by side with one semi-circle 
placed exactly above them. Some- 
times we come across a pyramid of 
three semi-circles, with two above 
them and one at the top. The word 
Chaitya * was connected with f^cfl" 
(heap) and it is supposed that it for- 
merly meant a " mount "or " hill. " 
With reference to this symbol on the 
coins E. Thomas observes: "Its 
form ultimately entered largely into 
the exotic elements of Buddhism, but 
it is doubtful, if Buddhism as ex- 
pounded by Sakya Singh (j. e- Buddha) 
was even thought of, when these fan- 
ciful tumuli were first impressed upon 
the public money.. ..As the Buddhist 
religion avowedly developed itself 
in the land and was no foreign im- 
portation, nothing would be more 
reasonable than that its votaries 
retain many of the devices, that had 
already acquired a quasi-reverence 
among the vulgar." (Earliest Indi- 
an Coinage, pp. 10-11). 

According to James Prinsep "this 
symbol of Chaitya occurs on the 
Pantaleon Greek coins, on the Indo- 
Scythic group, on the Behat Buddhist 
group, on similar coins dug up in 
Ceylon and in India. " (J. R. A. S. 
B. VI, 389 ; IV-686). 

As to the device of the Tree, 
Thomas observes : "The Tree is 
another chosen emblem of later Bud- 

* In Buddhistic architecture it had quite 
a different signification; it meant " a church 
or assembly hall, excavated in rocks. " The 
Kanheri cave near Bombay, the Karli cave 
between Poona and Bombay &c. are Chaityas 
(Dutt's Anc. India Vol. II, p. 72). 



dhism, but it did not appertain ex- 
clusively to the Buddhists in early 
times, as it is to be seen on a very 
ancient coin, implying a directly 
opposing faith, in the fact of its 
bearing the name of Vishnu-deva. 
The Bodhi tree is no more essentially 
Buddhist than the Assyrian sacred 
tree, the Hebrew grove or the popu- 
larly venerated (Tulsi) trees of 
India." (pp. 20 and 5). 

In the Plate, which Thomas has 
given in his book, we find a number 
of devices, which are found on 
ancient coins and these include 
bulls, cows and other animals. 

Regarding the symbol of the four- 
fold sun we read that " Many of 
these ancient symbols, more espe- 
cially the four-fold sun, are found 
established on the fully-struck coin- 
age of Ujain, of a date not far 
removed from the reign of Asoka, 
who once ruled as a sub-king of that 
city." In short, "these primitive 
punch-dies seem to have been the 
produce of purely home fancies and 
local thought." 

It will thus be seen, that Dr. 
Spooner's arguments about the sym- 
bols on the Mauryan coins, do not 
prove, that they were the exclusive 
property of the Zoroastrians. If 
there had been any Zoroastrian influ- 
ence, we would have come across 
the usual fire-altar, or images of 
Yateads, or the Taurus symbol or the 
Farohar symbol. Finally it may be 
pointed out that in 1906 Dr. Spooner 
thought, that the above mentioned 
symbols were Buddhist and in 1915 
he thought that they wereZoroastrians. 
In our opinion they were neither the 
former nor the latter. 

(II.) Passage in 
Mahabhashya. 

Now we come to the passage of 
Patanjali, the author of Mahabhashya, 
which was the commentary on 



Ill 



Panini's Sutras.* According to Eg- 
gling, Max Muller, Apte, Peterson, 
Keilhorn and Bhandarkar, this com- 
mentator lived in about 150 B. C. 
Now Panini's Sutra V-3-96 states, 
that when from a word such as 3p^ 
you wish to form the name of likeness 
or imitation of the object, you must 
add the termination ^ thus 3^ = 
horse, and 3p^ the imitation or 
figure of a horse. But Sutra No. V- 
3-99 says, that sfrfw^ ^FP^, that 
is to say, you must drop ^ } when 
the figure in question is one by which 
a man earns his livelihood and which 
is not vendible. 

On this Patanjali makes his com- 
ment in his Mahabhashva 



f% 



This is a very difficult passage, 
which has taxed the energy and 
called forth all the powers of learned 
scholars like Goldstucker, Peterson, 
Nagojibhatta, Sir Ramkrishna Bhan- 
darkar and others. Sir Ramkrishna 
has discussed the translations of the 
first three scholars in the pages of the 
journal of the Bombay Branch of the 
Royal Asiatic Society for 1885. We 
shall give here Sir Ramkrishna's trans- 
lation or rather explanation. 

" Panini lays down a rule, that the 
termination 3>, which is appended 
to the name of an object to signify 
something resembling that object 
( ^)> provided that something is an 
image (Mldtdl ), is dropped 
( ^\ ^, ) when the image is used 

* An interesting " battle of books " has 
been waged by scholars about the date of 
Panini. The latest date is that assigned by 
Max Muller, who places him in the 4th 
century B. C. According to Sir Ram- 
krishna Ehandarkar and Mr. Dutt. he lived 
in the 8th century B. C. See Shatapatha 
Br, p. -29, M. Muller's Anc. Sk. Lit. p. 44, 
243. J. R. A. S. 1885 pp. 181-341. Butt's 
Anc. India I. p. 274; Indian Antiquary I, 
p. 802. 



for deriving a livelihood 
and is not vendible ( 3RtJ^ ). Now 
Patanjali raises this question : The 
addition of the condition, that the 
image should not be vendible renders 
such forms as f^R:, ^f>^: and 
grammatically unjustifiable 
...R'SlKsi |ffi: ). He must here be 
taken to mean, that these figures are 
current and that the description "not 
vendible " is not applicable to them. 
" Why not " ( 1% <OTT )> he asks. 
" Because the Mauryas, seeking for 
gold or money, used images of gods 

as means" ( Jftt: SPpf^RTT ). 

Here then the author must be under- 
stood to say, that the description 
" not vendible " is not applicable to 
the images RR:,'^: and R^IKN:, 
because such images were sold by the 
Mauiyas. They are therefore vendi- 
ble objects, though as a matter of 
fact they are not for sale, and though 
the selling of such images of gods 
is discreditable.. .Hence the termi- 
nation (%) cannot be dropped in ac- 
cordance with the rule, and they 
should be called fefi:,'^F: and 
but they are called fifa:, 
and 1%M:I "It may be 
, that the rule about the drop- 
ping of ^ is not applicable (*f^l^), 
to them, i. e. to those ( cfTig ) images 
of gods, which were sold by the 
MaurydS. But as to these ( ^cfT: )(vt'z. 
those called by the names RT3":, ^^: 
and fWM: the correctness of which 
is in question), whichV 3 ^) are at the 
present day used for worship ( ^Ml% 
I^T:), the rule is applicable to them 
( cTTl ^RN^T ). " That is, the termi- 
nation 3> should be dropped in their 
case, and the forms whose correct- 
ness was questioned are correct. 

"Jf the passage were put in the 
form of a dialogue between a Doctor 
and his opponent, it would stand 
thus: 

"Opponent Panini inserts the 
condition, that the image should not 



112 



be vendible. Then the forms f^Rr^ 
^^: and fifW^- are not correct ac- 
cording to this rule, ( because, these 
forms express images of those gods 
and should have the suffix ^ ) 
" Doctor Why ? 

"Opponent Because, the Mau- 
ryas desirous of raising money, 
used as means the images of gods, 

i. e. they bartered them and they 

consequently belong to the class of 
vendible objects.) 

"Doctor Those images may not 
come under the rule ( because they 
bartered them, and consequently 
they may not drop 3J.) But these 
( i. e. those in question) which at 
the present day are used for worship, 
come under the operation of the 
rule ( and consequently the ^ 
is dropped. ) 

" Explanation The forms are 
correct, because they signify images 
of gods, which are now worshipped 
and are not vendible objects, because 
such images were used by the Maur- 
yas for raising money; but the vendi- 
bility of some does not make those, 
that are worshipped vendible, and 
consequently the names of images 
do come under Panini's rule and drop 
^ 

"Does this passage contain 
history"? Sir R. G. Bhandarkar 

answers that the past tense shows 

that the Mauryas existed at a time, 
which preceded the present time ; 
and the present time must clearly be 
the time, when Patanjali wrote. Sir 
Ramkrishna thinks, that the 
Mauryas could not have been a caste 
of idol-makers, as Nagojibhatta 
supposed ; for if they were, there 
was no necessity for referring them 
to past time. But Nagojibhatta 
lived about 150 years ago and did 
not care at all for history. 

"The word Maurya is used in the 
Mclrkandeya Purana to express a 
certain class *of demons. But these 
demons could have nothing to do 
here. The word therefore must be 



understood in the only other known 
sense, namely that of the royal 
dynasty founded by Chadragupta 
about 320 B. C. Now what is this 
fact, which Patanjali mentions re- 
garding the Mauryas ? It may be 
as Prof. Weber has stated, that the 
Mauryas coined money by stamping 
images of god's pieces, or it may be 
anything else" (J. B.R.A.S. XVI 
1885 pp. 206-10 ) 

Dr. Spooner says : "The Mauryas 
did manufacture images and made a 
trade in them but they were not 
used by any Pujari as a source of 
livelihood and were not the object 
of direct adoration. Images of the 
latter class we shall call idols ; those 
the Mauryas made were merely 
statues. This is the distinction, 
which Panini would make." 

We may not dispute Dr. Spooner's 
interpretation or rather explanation ; 
but we do not agree with him, when 
he suggests, that as this distinction 
is appropriate for Zoroastrian 
sculpture, and as idolatry was un- 
known to the Zoroastrian religion, 
the Mauryas were Zoroastrians. 

We shall presently see, that the 
Hindus practised idolatry in the 
Mauryan period; but was it universal ? 
According to Dutt, "The Vedic 
religion was to the very last a religion 
of elemental gods, of Indra, Agni, 
Surya, Vamna, Maruts, Ashvins and 
others * .... From the most 
ancient times down to the last days 
of the Rationalistic period (1000 B. 
C. to 320 B. C.), kings, priests as 
well as humble house-holders offered 
sacrifices to the fire and knew of no im- 
age worship." Dutt's proposition may 
not be readily accepted, for, as we 
shall see later on, we are told in 
Lalita Vistara, that some days after 
the birth of Buddha, his mother took 
him to a temple, which contained 
the images of Shiva, Skanda and 
other deities. It appears probable 
that some Hindus practised idolatry 

* Prof. Max Muller says, "the religion 
of the Veda knows of no idols (Chips I. 
p. 38), 



113 



in the time of Buddha, but all did 
not. It is certain as Dutt says that 
" when the Code of Manu was com- 
pleted, image worship was gaining 
ground and was condemned by that 
conservative law-giver. The practice 
however steadily gained ground, 
until it became the essence of mo- 
dern Hindu rites and celebrations." 
(Anc. India Vol. II, pp. 188-189). 
Thus we see, that in the time of 
Manu,* which was about the time 
of the Mauryan period, some Hindus 
still condemned idolatry. Therefore 
we have no proofs to say that the 
Mauryas were Zoroastrians. 

Pandit N. Bhashyacharya in his 
book "the Age of Patanjali " (pp. 
7-9) thus concludes: "The Maha- 
bhashya says that the Mauryas were 
makers and worshippers of idols, 
such as those of Shiva, Skanda and 
Visakha and were begging from door 
to door, taking the idols with them. 
If according to the Buddhist records, 
the Mauryas had belonged to a royal 
family instead of being beggars, 
then these Mauryas mentioned in 
the Buddhist records must be quite 
different from those mentioned in 
the Mahabhashya. If they had been 
Buddhists, they would not have been 
worshippers of idols .... If the 
Aryans were worshippers of idols, he 
would have said so ; on the contrary, 
he alludes all along in his work to 
the Aryan worship of the 33 Vedic 
gods. It is therefore conclusive, 
that when he speaks of the idol 
worship of the Mauryas, a non-Aryan 

tribe is meant The 

Mauryas who were poor and who 
earned their livelihood by (making 
and) selling images were not a tribe 
in any way connected with the 
Mauryas who were ruling princes, 
such as Chandragupta, Asoka etc. 

* Dr. Buhler fixes the remoter limit of 
the date of Manusmriti in about 2nd century 
B. C. ( S. B. E. Vol. XXV. Intro p. 117 ). 
In Manusmriti III. 152 and 180 the Deva- 
lakds or "temple priests" are hated. 
The distinctive feature of PurSnic Hinduism 
in the matter of observance is image worship 
( Dutt Anc. India Vol. II, p. 188 ) t 



" The old MSS. (of the Mahabhashya) 
of the South make the allusion of 
making and selling idols apply not 
to Mauryas but to Pouras, a peculiar 
tribe also mentioned in the Vishnu 
Purana* ...... If Pouras 

be the right word, so much contro- 
versy about the allusion of Patanjali 
to the Mauryas will vanish at once." 

Mauryan Religion. 

The Arthashdshtra f of Kautilya or 
Chanakya throws light on the religion 
of the Mauryan period. In the section 
on the " Buildings within the Fort," 
Kautilya orders, that "the lKtM^q<ir 
( Royal deity of the city ) shall be 
situated to the north. In the centre 
of the city the apartments of gods 
such as Aparajita, Jayanta, Vaijayanta, 
Siva, Vaishravana and Ashvin shall 
be situated. " 

The chapter on "Means to injure 
Enemy" concludes with these for- 
mulas: "Salutation to Aditi, saluta- 
tion to Anumati, to Sarasvati and 
Savitri; Svaha to Agni, Svaha to 
Soma, Svaha toBhuh ; Svaha to Bhu- 
vah." 

The chapter on medicines and 
mantras contains the following verse: 

"I bow to Bali, son of Vairochana; 
to Shambara -acquainted with a 
hundred kinds of magic; to Bhandi- 
rapaka, Naraka, Nikumbha, Kumbha, 

Devala and Narada I bow to the 

goddesses Suvarnapushpi, and Brah- 
mani, to (the god ) Brahma, and 
Kushadvaja, to serpents and goddess- 
es." 

Further up we see that Devatapm- 
tima (images of gods), Chatty as and 
Stupas (that is to say, the sepulchral 
mounds inhabited by evil spirits) 
were regularly worshipped. 

* Amsa 4. Ch. XXIV. p. 826 (Madras 
Edition). 

j- A Sk. treatise on the conduct of affairs 
of state- It confirms the account of Megas- 
thenes. 



114 



The fourth edict of Asoka refers 
to religious processions, that he 
arranged for the edification of his 
subjects. In these processions ima- 
ges of gods riding on chariots and 
elephants were exhibited. One of 
the passages of the inscription runs 
thus : " Those gods, who up to this 
time had been unassociated (with 
men) in Jambudvipa, have now been 
made associated with them." * These 
gods were not the Vedic gods or gods 
of the modern Hindus, but they were 
the Brahmanical gods of the people 
of Magadha. 

It is clear that the religion as set 
forth above could not be Zoroastrian 
orMagian religion. No doubt Maya- 
yoga (t. e. Magic) occupied a very 
prominent place in it ; for instance, 
in the Artha-Shastra we read, that 
" persons acquainted with the rituals 
of the Atharva-Veda, and experts in 
magic and yoga shall perform such 
ceremonials, as ward off the danger 
from demons." But magic was not 
the monopoly of the Magi. As Dr. 
Otto Schrader says: "There was 
among the Aryans, just as among all 
other people, a more ancient way of 
bringing the supernatural within 
reach of the natural than sacrifice 
and prayer, namely, magic" (Encycl. 
of Reli. and Ethics II. p. 40; R. 
Chanda's Indo-Aryan Races pp. 230- 
239). 

(III). Aversion Co Mauryas 

We now come to the third point. 
As to the aversion to the Mauryas 
implied by the silence of the Hindu 
books in regard to them, Dr. Spooner 
observes, that that is conceivable, 
so far as Asoka is concerned, as he 
was a Buddhist. But what about his 



* The text in the SMhbSzgari, inscrip- 
tion runs thus: 



It is thus translated by Dr. G. Buhler : 
" The sight of the cars of gods, elephants 
and other heavenly spectacles were exhibited 
to the people." (Epigraphia Indica Vol. II. 
pp. 451-2,461), 



grandfather Chandragupta ? As the 
first Indian emperor, we should not 
have been surprised to find him 
deified. 

The reason is quite clear to us. 
Chandragupta was after all a usurper, 
and had come to the throne by the 
machinations of a disaffected Brah- 
man minister of his predecessor. 
We have seen, that according to the 
Hindu tradition and also the classical 
writer Justin, he was of humble 
origin. This coupled with the fact 
that he was mentioned in glowing 
terms in the works of the Buddhists 
who had chucked up Hinduism, is 
the reason why he and his followers 
were treated with contemptuous 
silence in the Hindu'books. 

(IV) Help by Persian Troops. 

Let us now take up the fourth point, 
namely, that when Chandragupta 
invaded Magadha, he was assisted 
by Persian troops. This fact is 
referred to in the Sanskrit drama, 
Mudra Rakshasha, composed by a 
writer named Vish^kha-datta, who 
according to the late Mr. Telang 
lived about the beginning of the 8th 
century A. D. Mudra Rikshasha 
means " Rakshasha with a signet. " 
It is a drama of political intrigue, 
consisting of 7 acts and is partly 
based on historical events. Accor- 
ding to Vincent Smith, it undoubted- 
ly embodies a genuine historical 
tradition (Early Hist, of India p. 
113). 

In the second act of the drama, 
we read, that Chandragupta besieged 
Kusuma-pura, ( that is Patliputra ) 
with his troops consisting of the 
Sakas (Scythians), Yavanas (Greeks), 
Kiratas ( people living below the 
Himalayas), Kambojas, (Kabulis), 
Parasikas ( Persians ) and Balhikas 
(Bactrians). 

In the fifth act, the armies of 
Malayaketu, who was the survivor of 
the Nanda line, have been mentioned 
as consisting of Khasas (Khasia of 
Bengal ), Magadhas, Gandharas 



iis 



(people' of Kandhar), Yavanas, 
Sakas, Chinas and Hunas (Huns). 

It will thus be seen, that both the 
sides raised armies of mercenaries 
and that the Parasikas or the Per- 
sians were engaged, along with other 
foreigners, for the purposes of inva- 
sion. We have nothing to show, 
that the Persians who fought under 
Chandragupta, were men of his own 
religion, as Dr. Spooner suggests. 

Possible Objections to Dr. 
Spooner's Theory. 

But what shall we say about the 
reputed connection of Chandragupta, 
with the Nandas, and what about 
Chanakya, through whose machi- 
nations Chandragupta became suc- 
cessful ? Were these Nandas and 
this Chanakya Zoroastrian ? 

Dr. Spooner's answer : is, that 
"the alleged connection of Chandra- 
gupta was with the ^ Nandas, that 
is to say, with the new Nanda^, and 
not the nine Nandas. The earlier 
Nandas were good Hindus, but all 
authorities agree in putting a great 
gulf between these ancient kings and 
the low upstarts, who succeeded 
them. The latter were hated cordi- 
ally, and is it not recorded, that they 
exterminated all the Kshatriyas ? 
If they were Persian invaders, this is 
sensible enough. If they were 
Hindu Kshatriyas themselves, the 
thing is unintelligible." 

We cannot accept Dr. Spooner's 
above statement in view of what we 
read in the Vishnu Purana, 
namely : 

" The son of Mahananda will be 
born of a woman of the Sudra class ; 
his name will be Nanda, called Ma- 
hapadma; for, he will be the annihi- 
lator of the Kshatriya race ; after 
him the kings of the earth will be 
Sudras. He will bring the whole 
earth under one umbrella. He will 
have eight sons, ( Sumalya and 
others), \vho will reign after Maha- 
padma, and he and his sons will 
govern for a hundred years. The 



Brahman Kautilya will root out the 
nine Nandas." (Wilson's Tr. pp. 
467-468 ).* 

We need hardly point out that the 
statement of the Vishnu Purana is 
in the form of a prophesy, although 
it was really a matter of the past. It 
is thus easily intelligible why the 
first Nanda and his successors were 
cordially hated. The last two 
Nandasf were undoubtedly the 
worst of the whole lot. But the 
conclusion that the Nandas 
must have been Persian invaders, 
because they were hated by the 
Hindus, is strange as well as absurd. 

Was Ghanakya a 
Zoroastrian ? 

Now we come to the other ques- 
tion: Was Chanakya a Zoroastrian? 
Dr. Spooner says, that he was not an 
orthodox Hindu Brahman, and practi- 
cally suggests, that he was a "Magi- 
an Minister of State." He was a 
native of Taxila, who began his 
career as a practitioner in medicine; 
and medicine, although particularly 
associated with the Magians, has 
never found much honour in the 
East. Also the fact, that Chanakya 
dedicated his book, named Artha- 
shdshlra to Venus and Jupiter shows, 
that he was a student of astrology, 

* Dutt remarks : " we find in the above 
extract mention of low caste kings, ascen- 
ding to the throne of the Kshatriyas 

We have also mention of Kautilya, the 
renowned Chanakya, who vowed vengeance 
against the house of the Nandas, and help- 
ed Chandragupta to ascend the throne of 
Magadha" (Anc. India Vol. II p. 86). 

t From the records of Megasthenes it 
appears that when Alexander was stopped 
in his advance at the Hyphasis (Bias) in 
826 B. C., he was told of a king of Maga- 
dha, who must have been one of the Nandas. 
This reigning king was alleged to be ex- 
tremely unpopular owing to his wickedness 
and base origin. He was the son of a barber, 
who having become the paramour of the 
queen of the last sovereign contrived his 

death and exterminated the royal family. 

Afterwards he got a son, who was reigning 
at the time of Alexander's campaign and 
who was odious and contemptible to his 
subjects (V. Smith's Hist, of India, 
pp. 83-85), 



lie 



in which the Persian priests were 
experts. For these reasons Dr. Spoo- 
ner would look upon Chanakya as a 
Zoroastrian. 

It is true that medicine, though 
well regarded in general, did not 
come off without a sneer among the 
Brahmans. In the Taitteriya Samhita 
(VI-4-9-3 Cf. Maitr Sm. IV-6-2 and 
Shat Br. 1-5-14) we read: iiwl-f 
%^R ^ ^T%| " a Brahman should not 
practise medicine" the reason, that 
is assigned, being that the physician 
is impure, and that the practice en- 
tails promiscuous mingling with men. 
Medicine was connected with the 
Atharva-Veda, which, as we shall 
see hereafter, was looked upon with 
contempt in the later Hindu lite- 
rature. But as Prof. Bloomfield re- 
marks, " the Vedic people could not 
fail altogether, when in the proper 
mood, to estimate the medicine of the 
time at its right value." (S.B.E. 
Vol. 42 Intro, pp. 39-40). 

In the Rigveda, Atharva Veda and 
other Vedic texts, we come across 
Oshadhi- stutis or hymns in praise of 
the curative qualities of plants. Con- 
trary to the statement in the Shata- 
patha Brahmana, we find that in far 
earlier times, the Brahmanas had 
acquired great fame as good doctors.* 
We read for instance, in the Rigveda, 
that that Brahman was called a 
physician, who had many herbs at 
hand, who was a fiend-slayer, and 
chaser of disease. ( Rv. X-97-6 ). 
Also we read, that the plants saved 
from death the man, whose cure a 
Brahman undertook (Rv. X-97-22). 
The doctors prepared medicines 
from plants, which not only saved 
the lives of men, but they had Am- 
rits, which made men live for a 
hundred years. They must have 
been indeed clever physicians, for 
the poet-doctor, while treating his 
patient cries out, " as many plants, 
as human physicians know to contain 
a remedy, so many, endowed with 

* See Rv. X-91. A. V. VI1I-1, MaitrS- 
yani Samhita 11-1-13, Taittiriya Samhita 
IV-2-6, Vajasneyi Samhita XII-75-96. 



healing quality, do I apply to thee. " 
( Av. VIlI-7-^6 ). Medicine was 
indeed a very honourable profession 
as we find a poet boasting, that his 
father was a doctor ( Rv. IX-112-3). 
That medicine was held in great 
respect by a majority of the Hindus 
is proved by the fact, that we meet 
with several divinities presiding over 
medicine. "Rudra is the lord of balmy 
medicines, and his hand is full of 
sovran medicines ( Rv. 1-43-4, 
1-114-5). The Ashvins are called 
leeches with medicines to heal men. 
( Rv. 1-157-6). Soma- Rudra are 
invoked to heal men and cure them." 
( Rv. VI-74-3 ). 

It is interesting to know, that 
22 centuries ago, Alexander the 
Great, kept Hindu physicians in his 
camp for the treatment of diseases, 
which Greek physicians could not 
heal. ( S.B.E. Vol. 42, p. 257). Such 
was the great respect enjoyed by the 
Hindu doctors. 

Astrology Among Hindus. 

We admit that astrology and for- 
tune-telling were regarded as impure 
occupations. (Baudh-yayanaII-1-2-1 6, 
ManuIX-258). The practice of astro- 
logy was forbidden to ascetics; and the 
astrologer was excluded from the 
Shraddha. ( Manu VI-50, III-162, 
Vishnu 82-7 ). But this was also 
due to the fact, that these practices 
were connected with the Atharva 
Veda, which was cried down by the 
law givers. 

Ghanakya's Book and 
Atharva Veda. 

Dr. Spooner proceeds to point out, 
that in his book Arthashashtra, Cha- 
nakya places Anvikshiki, which com- 
prised Yoga, before the three Vedas; 
and as the Yoga practices were akin 
to Magian mummeries, the sugges- 
tion is thrown out, that Chanakya 
was a Magian. 

It may be, as Dr. Spooner observes, 
that no orthodox Brahman would 
give precedence to anything before 
the triple Vedas. But we do come 



117 



across passages, in which the Atharva 
Veda ( the fourth Veda ) is exalted 
above the three Vedas. For instance, 
in the cosmogonic account of the 
universe, as given in the Gopatha 
Brahmana (1-1-4-10) the Atharva 
Veda stands before the Rik, Yajus, 
and Saman; and in the Vaitana Sutra 
(6-1) the Atharvan is placed at the 
head of the four Vedas. (S.B.E. 
Vol. 42 Intro, pp. 48-49 ). 

Even if we admit, that Chanakya's 
orthodoxy is impugned, still that 
does not mean, that he was a Magian. 
The reason why Anvikshiki ( i. e. 
Nyaya, or Reasoning or Investigation) 
is placed first is thus explained by 
Chanakya: 

" Righteous and unrighteous acts 
are learnt from the triple Vedas; 
wealth and non-wealth from Vdrtta 
( agriculture or business); the 
expedient and inexpedient, as well 
as potency and impotency, from the 
science of Government; Anvikshiki, 
viewing these sciences in the light 
of reason, does good to the world, 
keeps the mind steady in weal and 
woe alike, and bestows skill in know- 
ledge, speech and action." Further 
up Anvikshiki is called stffa: ^t^TT- 
TT^ "the lamp of all sciences." (See 
R. Chanda's Indo-Aryan Races 
pp. 228-229). 

Now as regards the Yogins, we 
may say that they had several duties 
to perform, such as, assuming special 
postures for meditation, regulation 
of the breath and abstraction of the 
organs from their natural functions. 
It was obligatory on them to 
practise ^KW ( steadfastness ), *3R 
(contemplation), and ^WTPH (medi- 
tation). The early exercises to be 
practised by the Yogins were asceti- 
cism and the muttering of the mantras. 
These were supposed to overcome all 
afflictions, egoism and desire. The 
object of Yoga was to preclude future 
births. The occult powers described 
in the Yoga Sutra of Patanjali (B.C. 
150) were indeed wonderful. A 
Yogin knew the past and the future, 



made himself invisible to men, 
observed what was passing in distant 
regions or in the stars and planets, 
conversed with spirits, travelled in 
the air or through water, and acqui- 
red various superhuman powers. 
(Dutt's Anc. India II. pp. 286-287). 

Were these duties and exercises 
practised by the Magi or the Zoroas- 
trians ? Is there any trace of future 
births or occult powers in our religion? 
The answer is emphatically in the 
negative. 

We know that the old name of the 
Atharva Veda was Atharvdngiras. 
Both the elements in this name 
Atharvan and Angiras are recogni- 
sed as " good Persian " * words by 
Dr. Spooner. Hence he supposes 
that although the entire Veda is not 
of Persian origin, still it is a mixture 
of the Magian doctrines with similar 
beliefs among the Hindus of the 
time. 

We admit, that this is a very 
interesting question for the Parsis, 
and the answer may be found in the 
very learned introduction by Prof. 
Bloomfield in the Sacred Books of 
the East Volume 42nd. The term 
Atharvan referred to the Bheshajani 
i. e., auspicious or holy practices of 
the Veda, which conferred pros- 
perity ; on the other hand the term 
Angiras referred to the Abhichdra or 
the hostile sorcery practice namely 
the " terrible witch-craft." 

Prof. Bloomfield has collected a 
number of passages from the whole 
range of the Hindu scriptures to 
show, what position the Atharva 
Veda occupied in the times of the 
Vedas, Brahmanas, Upanishadas, 
Grihya- Sutras, Smritis, Epics and 
Puranas. He shows that from the 
Vedic times down to the times of 
the Smritis " there is no evidence of 
repugnance or exclusiveness " of the 
Atharva Veda, and concludes, that 

* Atharvan is the same as the Avestan 
Athravan ; but what is the equivalent of 
Angiras ? Is it Angra in Yasna Ha 
43-15 ? 



118 



" a sober survey of the position of 

the Atharva Veda yields the 

result, that it was considered within 
its own sphere as a Veda in perfectly 
good standing" (S. B. E. Vol. 42 
Intro., p. 40). 

Now coming to the times of the 
Smriti or law books we find that 
" there also the Atharva Veda retains 
in a measure its place by virtue of 
its profound hold upon popular 
beliefs, because indispensable scien- 
ces like medicine and astrology 
are Atharvanic by distinction, and 
because -it performs for the king 
inestimable services in the injury 
and overthrow of enemies "* (idem 
p. 46). 

On the other hand, the inferiority 
of the Atharvan is put outright in 
the Apastamba (II. -11, 29, 10-11), 
where it is said, that " the know- 
ledge of women and Sudras is a 
supplement of the Atharva Veda " 
The Vishnu Smriti (V-19I) counts 
him, who recites a deadly incantation 
from the Atharva Veda, as one of the 
seven kinds of assassins. Magic 
practices against non-relatives which 
abound in the Atharva Veda, are 
forbidden by Manu Smriti, Vishnu 
Smriti &c. ( idem pp. 48-50). 

The position of the Atharvan in 
the Mahabharata and Ramayana is, 
that its practices are familiarly known 
and not subjected to any criticism 
( idem p. 51 ). The Puranas speak 
of the Atharva Veda with favour, 
but the Vishnu Purana and Bhavi- 
shya Purana speak about the Angiras 
as one of the four Vedas of the 
Magas, who have been identified 
with the Magi, (idem p. 20). The 
reason why Angiras was called a 

* To illustrate these remarks \ve shall 
quote a few passages : In Manu Smriti 
(XI-83), the Atharvan and Angiras are 
recommended as the true weapons with 
which the Brahman may slay the king's 
enemies. According to Yajnavalkya (I- 
312), the king must choose for his Purokita 
or chaplain one who is skilled in the Athar- 
va Veda. In the Atri Samhita the Atharvan 
priests skilled in astrology are recommended 
for the performance of ShrSddhas and sacri- 
fices. 



Veda of the Magas is, the fact that 
that Angiras meant witch-craft. No 
doubt "sorcery and house-practices 
there were in India at all times," 
even from the Rigvedic times down- 
wards (Cf. Rv 1-191, VII-50, VII- 
104-16). But a change of thought 
had come round in later times, pro- 
bably due to excesses in \vitchcraft 
and magic. Granting that Angiras 
was the Veda of magic, it does not 
follow that it was influenced by 
Magian doctrines, since magic was 
not the exclusive property of the 
Magi. In the Arthsahashtra it 
is stated, that a king should 
employ as Purohita or family priest 
him, who performed rites according 
to the Atharva Veda and the king 
shall follow him. From this, Dr. 
Spooner concludes that Chanakya 
was a follower of the Atharva Veda, 
" which is pre-eminently the Veda of 

magic Consequently there was 

every likelihood of the ceremonies 
and doctrines of the Magian people 
of India, being preserved in such a 
book, though, of course, in fragments. 
If the first imperial rulers of India 
were Persians, it is not strange, that 
this otherwise singular pre-eminence 
at court was gained by the Atharvan 
priesthood." 

We cannot answer Dr. Spooner's 
argument better than in the words of 
Prof. Max Muller, who says: "The 

original division of the Veda was 

a three-fold division. This however 
proves by no means, that at the time, 
when the Brahmanas were composed, 
the songs of the Atharva Veda did 
not exist. It only shows, that ori- 
ginally it formed no part of the 
sacred literature of the Brahmans. 
A passage in the Shatapatha Brah- 
mana (XIII-3 1-1) shows,* that at 
the time when it was composed the 

* At first the Vedas were known as 
three: Compare Shatapatha Brahmana IV- 

6-7-1 5T3jttf^n'^%3T^'yl^fPl^t tTcf 
"There was three-fold science, namely Rich, 
Yajush, and Sma this only. "See also Sh. 
Br. XI -6-4-18 and Ait. Br. V-22, Chhan- 
dogya Upanishad IV-11-1 and Manusmriti 
1-23. 



119 



songs of the Atharvangiras were not 
only known, but had been collected, 
and had actually obtained the title of 
Veda.... These songs were chiefly 
intended to counteract the influence 
of any untoward event, that might 
happen in the sacrifice. They 
also contained imprecations and 

blessings and various formulas 

If once sanctioned, these Magic 
verses would soon grow in impor- 
tance According to the original 

distribution of the sacrificial offices 
among the four classes of priests 
(Brahman, Bahvricha, Adhvaryu 
and Chh^ndoga), the supervi- 
sion of the whole sacrifice and the 
remedying of any mistakes, that 
might happen, belonged to the Brah- 
man. He had to know the three 
Vedas to follow in his mind the whole 
sacrifice. If it was the office of the 
Brahman to remedy mistakes in the 
performance of the sacrifice, and if 
for that purpose the ( magical ) for- 
mulas of the Atharvangiras were 
considered of special efficacy, it 
follows that it was chiefly the Brah- 
man, who had to acquire a knowledge 
of the formulas....It was evidently 
the most important office, and in 
many instances it was held by the 
Purohita or the hereditary family 
priest... .Because a knowledge of 
the songs of the Atharvangiras was 
most important to the Brahman or 
Purohita, these songs, when once 
admitted to the rank of a Veda, were 
called the Veda of the Brahman ." 
(Anc. Sk. Lit. pp. 446-450). 

In the last Chapter of the Aitareya 
Brahmana and in the Adi Parva of 
Mahabharata, it is seen that it was 
obligatory on a king to appoint a 
Purohita or house-priest. According 
to Yajnavalkya (I, 312 ) and Gau- 
tama (XI-15-17) the king must 
choose for his Purohita one who is 
skilled in the Atharvan and Angiras. 

We have already quoted a passage 
from the Vishnu Purana, which 
mentions Chcinakya as the "Brahman 
Kautilya." The Atthakatha clearly 
says, that " Ch&nakko lived in the 



city of Taxila. He was the son of a 
certain Brahman at that place, and 
a man who had achieved the know- 
ledge of the three Vedas, could 
rehearse the manias (i. e. mantras), 
was skilful in strategems and dex- 
terous in intrigue as well as policy." 
( M. Muller's Anc. Sk. Lit. p. 286 ). 
Thus we have the clear testimony of 
the native writings to say, that he 
was a Brahman, and not a Zoroas- 
trian. 

Exposure of Corpses Among 
Hindus. 

In connection with the Atharva 
Veda, Dr. Spooner puts up a foot- 
note, which is very important. He 
suggests, that there is a possible 
allusion in the Atharva Veda to Parsi 
funeral customs. Some years ago 
in a paper read before the Society of 
Researches into the Zoroastrian 
Religion we showed on the authority 
of the Atharva Veda and Al'Biruni, 
that exposure of the corpses was one 
of the methods followed by the 
Hindus in ancient times. 

In the Atharva Veda (XVIII-2-84) 
we read : 



" They, that are buried, they that 
are scattered away, they that are 
burnt, and they that are set up all 
those Fathers, O Agni, bring thou to 
eat oblation." The commentator 
Sayana explains ^fedi: as *Hrtl<lTK<wls 
&fe$ foj3r% fcTcff: " Standing on 
an elevated place ( and afterwards ) 
in the world of the Fathers, at the 
time of the disposal ceremony." 
Whitney says, that "this method 
refers to the exposure on something 
elevated, such as is practised by 
many people." Macdonell and Keith 
are also of the same opinion ( see 
Vedic Index Vol. I p. 8). 

Al-Biruni, in his India, says: "In 
the most ancient times, the bodies 
of the dead were exposed to the air 
by being thrown on the fields without 



120 



any ceremony... Thereupon there 
appeared a legislator, who ordered 
people to expose their dead to the 
wind. In consequence they construct- 
ed roofed buildings with walls of 
rails, through which the wind blew, 
passing over the dead, as something 
similar is the case in the grave towers 
of the Zoroastrians. After they had 
practised this custom for a long time 
Narayen prescribed to them to hand 
the dead over to the fire, and ever 
since they are in the habit of burn- 
ing them." (India Vol. II, p. 167). 

The writer of the Mahabharata also 
speaks of 4 different modes namely 
cremation, burial, exposure and dis- 
posal of the corpse by drowning it into 
water.* The following Shloka re- 
fers to exposure: 



l: WTT: I *f 
( Adi Parava Chap. 90-17 ) " When 
the bodies are eaten up by birds, 
in what condition do they remain; 
how are they re-born ? " This is 
spoken in connection with'the Hindus. 

No doubt exposure was practised 
by the later Buddhists, as it is 
practised to this day in Tibet. But 
it is almost certain, that Buddha 
never preached it; for, if he did, we 
fail to understand why his own body 
was cremated by his followers. (S.B. 
E. X. Intro, p. 31, Dutt's Anc. India 
Vol. I. p. 341 ). 

According to Vincent Smith ex- 
posure was, in the ancient times, the 
usuage of the Lichhavisf of Vaisali, 
a city 27 miles from Patna. (Hist, of 
India p. 135; Rapson's Anc. India p. 
169; Cunningham's Geogr. p. 443.) 

It is also to be noted, that in Java 
a sect of the Hindus, was said in 
1818 to expose the dead to the air 
as an offering to the sun. ( As. Res. 

* Adi Parva, Chap 90 6, 17. 

f Dr. S. C. Vidyabhushan thinks that 
" they were a Persian tribe whose original 
home was Nisibis, which they left for India 
and Tibet in the 8th and 4th century B. C. 
respectively" ( Indian Antiquary XXXVII. 
p. 18. ) 



XIII. 137. Bom. Gaz. Vol. XIII. p. 
440.) 

It is therefore incorrect to suppose 
that the Buddhists adopted the cus- 
tom of exposure from the Zoroas- 
trians. The custom existed also among 
the Hindus who may have influenced 
the Buddhists. 

Maqadhas. 

As we have already seen, Atharva 
Veda is also called Atharvangiras 
Atharvan and Angiras. Now in the 
Vishnu Purana there is a statement 
to the effect, that the Angiras is one 
of the Vedas of the Saka-dwipa 
the warrior class of which was called 
Magadha, and we are told, that in 
Sanskrit, "Magadha" means not only 
a resident of Magadha, but also a 
"Persian warrior" and "half caste." 

We admit, that in Manusmriti 
(X-ll-17.), Magadha is defined as 
the name of a mixed tribe, who were 
children of Vaishya fathers arid 
Kshatriya mothers. Similarly in 
Amarakosha we read : ^R^RT t- 
^i^icli THTq": I "One born of a 
Vaishya father on a Kshatriya woman 
is a Magadha." But we have no 
proof to show that Magadhas were 
Persian warriors. 

Dr. Spooner points out that in the 
Atharva Veda (V 22), the Maga- 
dhas are spoken of contemptuously, 
and that in the later work Prabodha- 
chandrodaya* the country Magadha is 
named among " those inhabited 
mostly by Mlechhas." 



But the answer is that Mlechhas 
were not necessarily Persians or 
Zoroastrians. This word Mlechha is 
used in the Bhavishya Purana &c. 
for Christians, Mahomedans and 
others. 

In the Vishnu Purana it is stated 
that in Saka-dvipa the Brahmans 
were called Magas, and the Ksha- 
triyas were called Magadhas. Dr. 

* Written about the latter half of the llth 
century A. D. 



121, 



Spooner relies upon this Parana, but 
the Magadha in the Purana is a mis- 
take for Mashaka* in Mahabharata, 
which was an earlier work. The 
Magadhas were not therefore con- 
nected with the Magas. The fact 
that they were spoken of with con- 
tempt in the Atharva Veda does not 
prove that they were Zoroastrians. 

We do not say for a moment, that 
the Persians were not living in the 
Gangetic valley in ancient times. 
On the contrary we have ample evi- 
dence to show, that they were living 
in northern India, and had probably 
got mixed up with the Indian people 
by ties of marriage or otherwise. 
We therefore welcome the pregnant 
notices of the Bhavishya Purana, 
that in olden times (probably after 
400 A. D.) some Persians or mixed 
classes of Persians were living in 
India, f 

Saka-dvipa and Magas. 

According to Hindu Mythology, 
the world consists of a number of 
islands, the usual number being 
seven. Saka-dvipa was one of these. 
Dr. Spooner identifies it with some 
"vague Persian country" from a 
notice of the Bhavishya Purana, 
which led Dr. Wilson to believe, 
that the " Magas or silent worship- 
pers of the Sun from Saka-dvipa 
were the fire-worshippers from Iran." 
Now we Zoroastrians do not worship 
the Sun silently. However we are 
prepared to concede that these Magas 

* Mahabharata Bhishraa Parva XI, 34-36, 
Roy's Tr. p. 38. 

f The Pur^nas are 18 in number. Dutt 
assigns them the period between 500 to 
1000 A. D. According to Vincent Smith 
the Vayu Pura"na is the oldest and was 
written in about 400 A. D. (Early Hist, of 
India p. 25). Dr Wilson supposed that the 
story of the Magas in Bhavishya Purdna 
had a reference to the Parsis who had come 
to India after their flight in the 8th century 
A. D. On the other hand the writer of the 
Bombay Gazetteer says that the account of 
the introduction of fare-worshipping priests 
of Persia belongs to the 6th century ascen- 
dancy of the fire-worshipping Mihiras. 
(Gaz. IX. Pt. II. p. 183). 



were the Magi, who had come to 
India some centuries after Christ, 
and who had got mixed up with the 
Hindu people in course of time ; and 
it is probably these Magi, that the 
Bhavishya Purana refers to. 

Garuda and Garonmana. 

If the Magadhas i. e. Magi came 
from Saka-dvipa, how did they do so ? 
Dr. Spooner says, that "the vehicle, 
by which these Magi entered India 
was Garuda," and that he was much 
impressed with the striking resem- 
blance between the sculptured ima- 
ges of Garuda in India, and the 
usual fig'ure of Ahura-mazda in the 
ancient Persian art. He was there- 
fore much gratified, when he read 
the Vendidad passage, namely " I 
invoke the Garo-nmanem, the abode 
of Ahura-mazda." 

Dr. Spooner seems to take " Garo" 
to be in some way connected with 
"Garuda" or " Garutmat." But 
there is no such connection.. " Garo," 
" Gara " or "Garonmana" means 
"the abode of songs " from gar ( *Z ) 
to sing." This idea that the heaven 
is the abode of songs is also found 
in the Rigveda (X-135-7). 

The discussion of the vehicle, 
Garuda, leads the worthy Doctor to 
think of the Garuda Purana. Ac- 
cording to Dr. Wilson, Garuda Purana 
shows nothing in its contents, which 
could justify the name, as it deals 
with Sun-worship, astrology, &c. 
Hence, Dr. Spooner guesses, that 
this Purana is "a document of local 
Indo-Zoroastrian origin." 

The answer is that Garuda* is the 
Sun-bird, the Sun itself. In the 
often quoted verse of the Rigveda, 
f^T: ^T Sq*rt ^l< "He is heaven- 
ly noble-winged Garutman " (Rv. 
1-164-46), Garutman is the celestial 
bird, namely the Sun. Therefore it 
is but natural that the Purana about 
Garuda or the Sun, should deal with 
the Sun-worship. 

* In M. Bh, he is the brother of Aruna, 
the Charioteer of the Sun. (Adi Parva. 
Chap. 31 34). 



122 



Yavanas. 

Now the question is : "Who were 
Yavanas"? The word "Yavana" 
was usually applied to the Greeks in 
olden times and we have the authority 
of one of the inscriptions of Asoka 
to say so; for, as we have already 
seen, Antiochus has been there called 
a "Yona" raja. In the Kanheri 
inscription No. VIII a Greek archi- 
tect, named Dhenukakati (Xeno- 
crates) who lived in about the first 
century B.C. is mentioned. He is 
expressly called Yavana in the Karle 
inscription No. XIV. (B.B.R.A.S. 
V. pp. 20, 156, 176 ). Dr. Wilson 
reads the name as Dhanakkaja and 
identifies it with Theonikos (B.B.R. 
A.S. IV. p. 372). But two centuries 
afterwards we find, that in the Girnar 
inscription of Rudradaman (150 
A.D.), Tushdspa, who was a Persian 
officer of Asoka was called a Yavana 
raja. 

The word "Yavana" has attracted 
the attention of several scholars. 
In E. J. Rapson's opinion:--" The 
Persians became acquainted with the 
Greeks chiefly through the Ionian 
colonists, and therefore came to use 
the term Fauna, " lonians," which 
occurs in the inscriptions of Darius in 

a wider sense to denote Greeks 

The corresponding Indian forms 
(Sk. Favanaand Prakrit Yona), which 
were borrowed from Persia, have the 
same meaning in the Indian litera- 
ture, and inscriptions of the last three 
centuries before and the first huo centu- 
ries after the Christian era. At a late 
date, these terms were used in India 
to denote foreigners generally"* (Anc. 
India p. 86). 

According to Prof. Weber, under 
the name Yavana we are to under- 
stand the Bactrian Greeks or their 
successors. The name Yavana passed 
from the Greeks over to their Indo- 



* In the Chitorgadh inscription of the 
orince Mokala of Mewad dated Samvat 
Vikrama 1486, the words Yavana and Saka 
are used for the Mahomedans ( See Epi- 
graphia Indica Vol. II p. 409). 



Scythian successors and finally to 
the Arabs (See Indian Antiquary 
I p. 178). 

Sir R. G. Bhandarkar says: 
"That the Indians called the Greeks 
only Yavanas during the three centu- 
ries preceding the Christian era and 
about as many after, is a fact. Asoka 
calls Antiochus, king of Syria, a 
Yona-raja. Milinda or Menander is 
so styled in the Milindapanho ( a 
Pali work), and in the Gargi Samhi- 
ta the Yavanas are spoken of as good 
astronomers; wherefore the Greeks 
must have been meant. Kanishka 
and his successors are called Turu- 
shkas in the Rajatarangini, and the 
Indo-Scythians, who overran a large 
part of the country, were called Sakas. 
Persians or Parthians are spoken of 
as Pahlavas; and the Huns, who 
poured into the country are styled 
Hunas." (B.B.R.A.S. XVI-p.2 15). 

Dr. Spooner states that the word 
Yavana meant a Zoroastrian. We 
agree with him so far as to admit 
that in later times, namely after the 
second or third century A. D., Yavana 
meant a "foreigner" including pro- 
bably a Zoroastrian. We have, there- 
fore, nothing positive to assert, that 
the Yavanas who invaded Orissa 
between 538 and 421 B C., and 
again between 421 and 300 B.C. 
were Zoroastrians, as Dr. Spooner 
supposes. 

Legend about Yavana King. 

But in order to prove, that the 
Yavanas were Persian tribes, Dr. 
Spooner brings into requisition cer- 
tain legends from the Puranas. He 
refers to the Yavana king Bhaga- 
datta, who was a king of Pragjyotisha, 
and tries to determine his nationality. 
The name Bhagadatta might be a 
Sanskrit form of a Persian name, the 
first part of which is the A vesta word 
Baga. Pragjyotisha* might be a 



* Mr. A. K. Mozumdar says. 1 "In Jyo- 
tisha z. e. astronomy, Brahma, Garga, 
Vivasvan and other seers were very great. 
It is said that Brahma, when he lived in 
KSmarupa (Assam) for some years fer pene- 



Magian settlement because the word 
signified " astrology " in which 
science the Persians were experts. 
Therefore the learned Doctor conclu- 
des, that the king was a Persian and 
was the ruler of a Persian settlement. 
Moreover the king was called an 
Asura, and was the ally of the king 
Kalayavana. who attacked Mathura 
with the help of a number of 
Mlechhas. Also when Pragjyotisha 
was attacked and stormed, it con- 
tained 21 lakhs of horses from Kam- 
boja, a country "near the Paradas 
and Pahlavas on the confines of 
Persia." 

We regret to say, that it is extre- 
mely risky to build up theories on 
words, such as "Bhaga" and "jyo- 
tish," which however are purely 
Sanskrit in form. The fact, that 
Kalayavana was assisted by the 
Mlechhas does not prove, either that 
he was a Persian or that the 
Mlechhas were Persians. Nor does 
the presence of Kamboja horses in 
Pragjyotisha prove, that it was a 
Persian settlement. 

Dr. Spooner has referred to the 
Purana stories relating to Bhagadatta 
but has omitted to give the story 
about the same king, which we come 
across in the 26th Chapter of the 
Sabha Parva of Mahabharata. 
Arjuna wanted to conquer the whole 
world. Having defeated the kings of 
the Shakala-dwipa and Sapta-dwipa 
he invaded Pragjyotisha. At the 
time there was a great king named 
Bhagadatta ruling there, with whom 
the Pandavas fought many battles. 
Having fought with Arjuna for 8 
days, Bhagadatta thus spoke to 
him : 3jf ^ff *t|*J^ ^K'Wi^'t, ^ 

w&ftt ^ % crra ^13 sg*;mr gfa n 

" I am the friend of the great 
Indra, and am in no way inferior to 
him in warfare ; but I am unable, 



tential purpose, made certain astronomical 
observations. Hence that country received 
the name Prdg-jvotisha (first astronomy)" 
(Hindu History p. 141). According to 
Pr >f. Apte Prag-Jyotisha was the capital of 
Kamarupa on the Brahmaputra. 



O father, to stand against you in 
battle." Here then we have an 
important statement. Bhagadatta 
was a friend ( that is a worshipper ) 
of the great god Indra, and was 
therefore a Hindu. The Zoroastrians 
always hated Indra as an enemy of 
their religion (Vendidad XJX-43). 

Sakti and Sakta Quit. 

Dr. Spooner then proceeds to 
trace the origin of the goddess Sakti 
to a Persian or Magian origin. He 
says : " The goddess Ishtar was 
perhaps the most popular divinity 
among the Persians, particularly 
associated with the Asuras and 
Danavas. Witness the compounds 
Asuragura ( teacher of the Asuras ) 
and Ddnavapujita (worshipped by 
the Danavas ), both of which are 

Sanskrit names for Venus Are not 

the Tantrik system and the Sakta 
cult a development on the Indian 
soil of the sympathetic magic rites 
in connection with this goddess 
( Ishtar), as the symbol of fertility, 
which Jastrow tells of ? This unra- 
vels for us the whole mystery * to 
which Wilson calls attention. Further- 
more this explains the curious fact 
mentioned to me by Maha-mahopa 
dhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, that 
according to his own researches, the 
Sakadvipin Brahmans were specially 
associated with this cult." 

Our answer is that Ishtar was not 
a Persian or Magian goddess, but she 
was a Babylonian divinity. After the 
conquestof Elam by the Medes and 
Persians, the old goddess Innana ( of 
Erech ) was identified with Anahita 
and underthat name enjoyed extensive 
homage . . . The cult of Anahita spread 
from Iran to the west. Anahita (Ardvi- 
sura) was the goddess of sacred 
waters. Under the influence of the 

* Namely, that Assam, or at least the 
north-east Bengal, seems to have been, in a 
great degree, the source from which the 
Tantrik and Sakta corruptions of the 
Religion of the Vedas and Puranas 
proceeded. 



124 



Chaldean star-worship, * Andhita or 
Nahida became the planet Venus. 

The Indian goddess Saktior Durgd 
who was worshipped by her devotees, 
called the Saktas, cannot be com- 
pared with the Iranian divinity 
Anahita; because . Sakti was the 
mother of all, the creatress even of 
Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva; whereas 
Anahita occupied a very subordinate 
position to Ahura Mazda. The Hin- 
du divinity, who was identified with 
Venus was not the goddess Durga, 
but the god Sukracharya, the pre- 
ceptor of the Asuras. 

It is not correct to say, that " the 
Saka-dvipin Brahmans were specially 
associated with the Sakta cult." The 
history of the Sakadvipiya, Bhojaka 
or Maga Brahmans shows, that they 
were associated with the worship of 
the Sun and Stars. For example, in 
the Brihat-samhita of Varahamihira 
( 587 A.D. ) it is stated, that "the 
consecration of the images and tem- 
ples of the Sun should be caused 
to be made by the Magas."f 

Who were Sakas ? 

This leads us to a consideration 
of the word Saka, which according 
to Herodotus, Fleet, Max Muller, 
Buhler, Telang and others means the 
Scythians. Dr. Spooner admits the 
correctness of this meaning, but 
argues that the word for a long time 
also meant "men of Saka-dvipa, " 
that is to say, the Iranians. Conse- 
quently he says that the Sakas, who 
lived in Gujarat and northern India in 
the early times were Iranians. Several 
scholars have dealt with the question 
as to who the Sakas were and where 
they came from. We propose to 
give short extracts from their books. 

Von. Schlegel says that the Sakas 
were nomad tribes, inhabiting Cen- 
tral Asia, the Scythians of the Greeks 

* Such is the view of the Enclyclo. of 
Religion and Ethics I p. 415- b. see Bun- 
dehishna chap. V. 

t See R. Chanua's Indo-Aryan Races, 
pp. 153-163. 



whom the Persians also, as Herodo- 
tus tells us, called Sakae, just as the 
Indians did. (Lib. VII 64 ; Griffith's 
Ramayana p. 66). In the inscrip- 
tions of Darius we find, that one 
of the nations conquered by Darius 
was the Saka ( Col- I para 6 ). 

According to Vincent Smith the 
Sakas or the Se (Sek.) of Chinese 
histories were a horde of pastoral 
nomads, occupying the territory to 
the west of the Wu-sun horde, 
apparently situated between the 
Chu and Jaxartes (or Syr Darya) rivers 
to the north of the Alexander moun- 
tains. Strabo clearly stated, that the 
Sakae came from the neighbourhood 
of the Jaxartes. Megasthenes said, 
that on the north of India and be- 
yond the Himalayas, the country was 
inhabited by those Scythians, who 
were called Sakai. About 163 B. C. 
they were expelled from their pasture 
grounds by another horde, the Yueh 
Chi, and compelled to move in the 
southerly direction. The flood 
of the barbarian invasion burst 
upon Bactria about 140-130 
B. C. The Saka flood, pouring on, 
surged into the valley of the Hel- 
mund river, and so filled that region, 
the modern Sistan, that it became 
known as Sakastene * or the Saka 
country. Other branches of the bar- 
barian stream, which penetrated the 
Indian passes, deposited settlement 
at Taxila in the Punjab, and Mathura 
on the Jamna, where they displaced 
the native Rajas and ruled for several 
generations, assuming the ancient 
Persian title of Satrap. They were 
seemingly in subordination of the Par- 
thian power. Probably they re- 
cognized Mithridates I. ( 174 to 136 
B. C. ) and his successors... as their 
over- lords. They could not otherwise 

* Isidorus of Charax, who lived about the 
beginning of the Christian era, gives the 
name of Sakastene to the greater part of 
Drangiana, and calls the people Saka-Scy- 
thians (Cunningham's Archaeological Re- 
ports II. p. 45.) The Sakas are mentioned 
in the Jain inscription No. 82 of about the 
first century B.C. One Gotiputra is called 
a black serpent (=a great fighter) who 
fought with them (Epigraphia Indica 1-394). 



125 



have adopted the Persian title of 
Satrap. Another section of the horde, 
at a later period, pushed southwards 
and occupied the peninsula of Saura- 
shtra and Kathiawad, founding a 
Saka dynasty, which lasted for 
centuries and was overthrown in 395 
A. D. ( V. Smith's Early Hist, of 
India pp. 186, 187, 200, 202, 218, 
255; Dutt's Anc. India Vol. I p. 
223 ). 

Mr. Telang observed, that the Sa- 
kas were a tribe, inhabiting coun- 
tries on the north-west frontier of 
India ' between the Indus and the 
sea. ' They gave their name to the 
royal dynasty, from which the Mara- 
thi word 3T% meaning era, is deriv- 
ed. * Mr Telang is supported by 
the writer of Periplus ( A. D. 250). 
(Bom. Gaz. I Pt.I. p. 543), who calls 
the valley of the Lower Indus Scythia. 

Sir A. Cunningham says: "From 
Kipin (=Kabul ), the Sakas rapidly 
extended their conquests to the east- 
ward, until they occupied the whole 
valley of the Indus. Ptolemy 
apparently limits his district of Indo- 
Scythia to the province of Sindh, 
below the junction of the five rivers 
...... The author, of the Erythraean 

Periplus t calls the countries at the 
mouth of the Indus ' the sea-board 
of Scythia, ' but the capital which he 
names Minnagar, was at some distance 
inland. " (see Archaeological Re- 
ports, II. pp. 45-46). 

It is easy to see, that Plotemy, 
Telang and the author of Periplus 
give the habitation of the Sakas of 
muck later times. \ What we are 
concerned with is to know the 
original home of Sakas in 477 B. C., 
when Gautama Buddha died. Also 
the fact that about the year 160 
B. C., the Sakas were under the 



* Mudra Rakshasha intro. p. 28 ; V. 
Smith's His. of India p. 201. 

t A sailing directory for Greek Merchants; 
see Pandit Bhagvanlal's Remains at Sopara, 
p. 6. 

t The Sakas invaded N. W. India in 
about 100 B. C. (Rapson's Anc. India 
p. 184). 



domination of the Persian kings, and 
were influenced by the Zoroastrian 
religion, does not prove that they 
were Zoroastrians in the days of 
Sakya Muni, that is, Gautama 
Buddha. They were then the ene- 
mies of the Persians. 

E. J. Rapson also points out, that 
Herodotus expressly states that the 
term Sakas was used by the Persians 
to denote Scythians generally. It 
is true, that some of the Sakas were 
connected with the Pahlavas ; but 
that was the case in about the first 
century B. C. and first century A. D. 
for, says Rapson: "There is evi- 
dence of an intimate connection 
between Pahlavas and Sakas, /'. e. 
between the family of ( the Pahlava ) 
Volones, with the family of ( the 
Saka ) Maues. This connection 
appears to be proclaimed by certain 
coins, on which Spalirises the brother 
of the king Volones is definitely asso- 
ciated to Azes who was almost cer- 
tainly the successor of Maues. The 
family of Volones ruled in Seistan, 
Kandahar and north Baluchistan, 
and, that of Maues ruled in the West 
Punjab and Sindh, until towards the 
end of the first quarter of the first 
century A. D., the two kingdoms 
were united under the sway of the 
Pahlava Gondopharnes, as to the 
Parthian character of whose name 
there can be no possible doubt." 
(Rapson's Anc. India pp. 144-5 & 
184). 

Thus then we see that a Saka 
line of rulers was connected with the 
Pahlavas, and were probably influ- 
enced by the religion of the latter 
only in ab*>ut the first century before 
Christ. We have no evidence before 
that date. 

Were Sakyas Zoroastrians? 

Dr. Spooner says, that the word 
Saka is the same as Saka, and 
reminds one of Sdka-dwipa ; and as 
the Sakas or Sakas were Zoroastrians, 
Saka-dwipa was necessarily the land 
or home of the Zoroastrian Magi. 
Further up the learned doctor points 



126 



out, that in the Vishnu Purana and 
in the Mahabharata there is a 
description of the Saka-dwipa 
whence came the Magians. He has 
quoted for our information the 
passage from the Mahabharata, that 
" there was a mighty Sdka-ttee in 
the Sakadwipa, " and that "there 
was no king there." 

But we regret, that he has omit- 
ted to tell us from the same Chapter 
of the Mahabharata (Bhishma Parva 
XI-28), that the people of the Saka- 
dwipa always adored the above-said 
Saka tree, and that in that island 
Shiva was worshipped. Are we ready 
to believe, that the Zoroastrians or 
the Magians were ever devoted to 
the worship of Shiva ? Besides it 
should be noted that " this Saka- 
dwipa was surrounded on all sides 
by ocean." If so it may well 
have been the country between the 
Indus and the Sea ; although ac- 
cording to the writer of the Bombay 
Gazetteer it was Sakastene, since 
that " name explains the statement 
in the Bhavishya Purana, that Sun- 
worsbip was introduced by Magas 
into Multan from Sakadwipa, the 
land of the Sakas," (Bom. Gaz. I. 
Pt. I. p. 143), and that " the Mul- 
tan sun-worship was introduced 
under Sassanian influence " (idem 
p. 142). 

Leaving aside the question whe- 
ther Sakadwipa was Seistan or the 
country between Indus and the sea, 
one thing seems certain that it was 
situated in the west. 

Dr. Spooner argues that from Saka 
we get the lost form " Sakiya," from 
which came " Sakya." The original 
home of the Sakyas being Sakadvipa 
(as the etymology proclaims), the 
ancestors of Buddha, the Sakyas of 
Kapila-vastu are not to be differentia- 
ted from the other Sakadvipins, or 
in other words the ancestors of 
Buddha were the inhabitants of the 
land of the Sakas and were Zoroas- 
trians. For this reason and for 
many other reasons to be mentioned 
hereafter, we are asked to believe, 



that Buddha was a Zoroastrian. 

We have seen that Sakadvipa was 
in the west; and Dr. Spooner admits 
it. On the other hand, Kapila-vastu, 
which was the birth-place of Buddha, 
was in the Sakya territory at the foot 
of the Nepal hills, in what is now 
known as the Nepalese Tarai. This 
Sakya territory was bordered on the 
north by the Himalaya Mountains, 
on the east by the river Rohini, and 
on the west and south by the river 
Achiravati ( Rapti ). It was to the 
north of the modern Basti and 
Gorakhapur districts, and was a 
dependency of Kosala, the modern 
Oudh. (V. Smith's Hist, of India 
pp. 24-25, 139 ; Dutt's Anc. India 
Vol. I p. 320 ; Rapson's Anc. India 
p. 161 ). Therefore we have reasons 
to believe, that Saka dwipa was quite 
distinct from the territory of the 
Sakyas, and that the Sakyas had no 
connection with the Sakas. 

Sakyas and Next-of- kin 
Marriage. 

Dr. Spooner tries to support his 
theory by relying upon a legend of 
the Sakyas, which is as follows : 
A king named Ambattha sent his 
sons into exile at the instance of his 
most favourite wife. They took 
with them their sisters. They 
met the sage Kapila on the shore of 
a lake surrounded by a forest of 
Saka trees and there they settled. 
In the absence of suitable wives 
in that locality, they wedded their 
own sisters. This act delighted 
their father when he heard of it, 
and he cried out ^qRTT 3cT ^ *M$*IKI: 
M<*KIWI ifr fTKT: " Clever indeed 
are the princes, they are indeed 
extremely clever." 

We can see, that in the above 
passage, there is evidently a pun on 
the word ?&& or Sim. Now the 
statement, that the Sakyas married 
their own sisters, points to a similar 
custom attributed ( wrongly in our 
opinion ) to the Zoroastrians or Ma- 
gians of olden times. And for this 



127 



reason Dr. Spooner concludes that 
the Sakyas *" were of Zoroastrian 
origin." We shall see hereafter 
that some of the ancient Hindus also 
practised next-of-kin marriages. If 
so, the statement that the Sakya 
princes married their sisters, does 
not conclusively prove, that they were 
Zoroastrians. 

Buddha a Zoroastrian! 

The discussion of the word Sakya 
leads us to think of the great Sakya 
Muni, Gautama Buddha (B. C. 537 
to 477). Relying upon certain ex- 
ternal and internal circumstances the 
learned Doctor does not hesitate to 
put forward the astounding theory, 
that Buddha too was a Zoroastrian. 

(l) One of the external circum- 
stances has been referred to above, 
namely that the Sakyas of Kapilava- 
stu, the ancestors of Buddha practised 
next-of-kin marriages like the Ma- 
gians or Zoroastrians, and that 
therefore they were identical with 
these people. 

Next-of-kin Marriages- 
Persians, Hindus, &c. 

We have shown elsewhere that 
the so-called next-of-kin marriages 
referred to in our religious books 
were but legendary descriptions of 
certain natural phenomena and that 
they were misinterpreted by some 
ruling monarchs for their nefarious 
object.* It is impossible to believe, 
that the religion sanctioned the 
alleged practices or that masses of 
Zoroastrians indulged in them. But 
are not such practices referred to in 
the Hindu books ? Stories of the 
incest of Prajapati with his daughter 
are related in several books such as 
the Aitareya Brahmana, Shatapatha 
Brahmana, Pancha-vimsha Brah- 
mana, and even in the Rigveda (Ait. 

* For the story of Bahman marrying his 
so-called sister Ilomaya see KutaVs Shah- 
name Vol. VII. p. 8 and preface. Accord- 
ing to Herodotus Cambysis married his 
sisters ; but Herodotus clearly says that no 
Iranian married his sister before Cambysis 
(Herodotus III. 31). 



Br. 3-33, Sha. Br. I-7-4-lff, Pan. 
Br. 8-2-10, Rv. 1-71-5).* Kumarila, 
the well-known opponent of Bud- 
dhism and the predecessor of Shan- 
karacharya correctly explains this 
fable. He says " Prajapati, the 
Lord of Creation, is the name of the 
sun, and is so called because he 
protects all creatures. His daughter 
Ushas is the Dawn. And when it is 
said, that he was in love with her, 
this only means, that at sun-rise, 
the Sun runs after Dawn." 

Similarly we find in the Rigveda, 
(VI-55-4-5, 1-115-2) that Pushana 
is the paramour of his own sister 
Dawn and his own mother Surya. 
Now Pushana is nothing but the sun 
and Surya the light of the sun. 
Thus the fable relates the close 
connection of the sun with the dawn, 
and its own light. (Dutt's Anc. 
India Vol. I. p. 186). 

Similar legends are found in our 
religious books t also. In the begin- 
ning of creation, the male element 
was Ahura-mazda himself. He crea- 
ted Spendarmad, who was therefore 
his own daughter. This was the 
first female element. Ahuramazda 
married his daughter, and Gayomard, 
the primitive man, was born from 
the earth. Here then we have a 
philosophical legend of the creation 
of the first man ; and it indicates 
the divine and earthly elements of 
which man is made.* Further we 
are told, that Gayomard married 

* Also in Rv. X-61-4 to 1, and Bhagvata 
PurSna III-12-28ff. See also Muir's Sk. 
Texts V. pp. 45-47. 

f Dinkard II. Chap. 80 by Dastur Pesho- 
tan B. Sanjana. 



J Cf. Bhagvad Gita XIV. 3-4 : 




" My womb is the great Brahma; in that 
I (Shri BbagavSn) place the germ ; thence 
comes the birth of all beings, O Bhfirata. 
In whatever wombs mortals are produced, 
O Kauntiya, the great Brahma is their 
womb, 1 their generating father." 



128 



Spendarmad, who was his own mo- 
ther. They became the parents of 
Mashi and Mashyani, the first 
human twins, who married and 
begot the human race. The author 
of this legend did not care to see, 
that it contained a very obnoxious 
principle. It was, however, readily 
caught hold of by some unscrupulous 
kings and their followers. 

The same was probably the case 
with at least three sects of the 
Hindus, namely the Gandharas, peo- 
ple of the Uttara Kurus and Pandias; 
and as early Buddhism was a sect 
of Hinduism ( as we shall see here- 
after,) it would not be wrong to infer, 
that the Buddhists might have bor- 
rowed their custom of the next-of- 
kin marriage from these Hindus. 

Unlawful Marriages Among 
Gandharas. 

The Rajtarangimi which is a San- 
skrit chronicle of the Kashmir kings 
written by Kahlana Pandita in the 
12th century A.D. *is a book dealing 
with several important points of his- 
tory. One of the passages in this 
book relating to the Gandhara Bra- 
hmans runs thus:; 
T TRKsfl<H IJ llt;dd: I 



T: ^fcf T TTm: I " Then the Gan- 
dhara Brahmans took rent-free lands. 
They were descendants of Mlechhas 
and were shameless to consort with 
(their) sisters. These sinners, who 
were attached to the intercourse with 
their daughers-in-law offered their 
wives (to others)." (Raj. Tar. I. 307 
ff.) 

Now who were these Gandhara 
Brahmans ? The writer of the Bom- 
bay Gazetteer thinks, that the Raja- 
tarangini describes the Magadhas as 
Gandhara Brahmanas brought by 
Mihirakula (A.D. 450-530), who 
were the lowest of Brahmans, the 
accursed children of Mlechhas, 
marrying their own sisters. ( Bom. 

* Dutt's Anc. India Vol. V. p. 42. 



Gaz. Vol. 9. pt, I. p, 440 ). As we 
have already stated, Dr. Spooner 
identifies the Magadhas with the 
Persians. It would follow, that the 
Gandhara Brahmans were Persians. 
We have however shown that the 
Magadhas were not Persians. The 
Gandharas were Indians for the 
following reasons: 

(1.) The Gandhara Brahmans 
are mentioned in the Kama Parva 
of the Mahabharata (verse 2076 ff ), 
where we read : W^fr 3*5 %5f: 



II "The senseless Gan- 
dharas, Madrakas and B^hikas are 
lustful and without restraint ; ( but ) 
only one in a family is a Brahman. " 

(2). In the Shatapatha Brah- 
mana there is an allusion to a royal 
sage Svarjit, son of Nagnajit, the 
Gandhara, which runs thus: ^ l[ 



<l>!HHifcr c3 
"Then Svarjit, son of Magnajit 
spoke. Now Nagnajit was a Gan- 
dhara. This which he spoke, he 
spoke as if he were a Kshatriya 
brother." 

(3) Nagnajit, the Gandhara is 
also mentioned in the Aitareya Brah- 
mana ( VII-34) as one of the persons, 
who received instruction of a parti- 
cular rite from Parvata and Narada. 

(4) In the Mahabharata (1-2439, 
2441) we read: "Nagnajit (the 
disciple of Prahlada) and Subala 
were then born ...... Two children 

were born to the king of Gandhara 
(Subala), Shakuni Saubala and the 
mother of Duryodhana." 

As Dr. Muir says, these passages 
are sufficient to show, that the 
Gandharas were a people, with whom 
the Aryans of India were in the 
habit of holding intercourse and 
contracting affinity. Prof. Wilson 
notes that these Gandhdras were a 
people found both on the west of 
the Indus and in the Punjab and 
were well known to classical writers 



129 



as Gandarii * and Gandaridae (Vi- 
shnu Parana p. 191; As. Res. XV- 
105). Lassen concludes that "though 
in individual passages of the Maha- 
bharata hatred and contempt are 
expressed in reference to the tribes 
living on the Indus, yet there is no 
trace of these tribes being ever 
regarded as .of non-Indian origin. 
That there was no essential difference 
in their language is proved by the 
testimony of Panini." 

We therefore conclude with Dr. 
Muir, that the tract of the country 
to the west of the Indus was inhabit- 
ed by races of Aryan origin and of 
common descent with the Indians. 
(Muir's Sk. Texts Vol. II pp. 483, 
484, 353-356). 

We may here say that in view of a 
passage in the Atharva Veda, the 
writer of the Bombay Gazetteer is 
not correct, when he identifies the 
Gandharas with the Magadhas. The 
passage runs thus : " As soon as 
thou art born, O Takman, thou 
sojournest among the Bahlikas. \ Go 
Takman, to the Mujavats, or far 

away to the Bahlikas We transfer 

Takman, as a servant, and as a 
treasure, to the Gandharis, the Muja- 
vats, the Angas and the Magadhas" 
( Av. V- 22-5, 7, 14 ). Now as Dr. 
Muir says : "The Mujavats, being 
mentioned along with the Bahlikas, t 
a Bactrian race, and with the Gan- 
dharis, may be a hill tribe in the 
north-west of India The Angas 

* Cunningham says: Gandhara is descri- 
bed by Strabo under the name Gandaritis 
as lying along the river Kophes, between the 
Choaspes and the Indus. Its chief towns 
were Pushkala'vati (Peukelaotis), Varusha 
(Paladheri), Salatura (Lahor) and ParashS- 
wara (Peshawar). (See Ancient Geography 
of India p. 47 ff). It corresponds with the 
modern districts of Peshawar. (Archaeologi- 
cal Survey Reports I. p. 15). Gandhara is 
placed by Lassen to the west of the Indus 
and south of the Kabul river. (See Muir's 
Sanskrit Texts II. p. 842), 

f The view of Roth and Weber, which 
Zimmer once accepted namely that this was 
an Iranian tribe ( cf. Balkh ) is not accept- 
ed by Macdonell and Keith. ( Vedtc Index 
Vol. Up. 63), 



and Magadhas were, on the contrary, 
tribes living in South Behar. We 
have thus in the verse two nations 
situated to the north-west and two 
to the south-west." (Muir's Sk. Texts 
Vol. II pp. 351-352). It will thus 
be seen, that the Gandharis were 
totally distinct from the Magadhas. 
This is further seen from Varaha 
Mihira's Brihat Samhita (chap. XIV), 
in which Magadha is classed among 
the countries in the east and 
Gandhara among the countries in 
the north ( see J. R. A. S. New 
Series Vol. 5. pp. 82, 86 ). 

Thus then the Gandharas who 
practised illicit marriages were Hindus 
and not Persians. 

Incest Among LIttara Kuril 
Tribes. 

The practice of the next-of-kiri 
marriage was prevalent among the 
people of the Uttara Kurus also. In 
the Bhishma Farva of the Maha- 
bharata (Sec. VII.) there is an 
account of these people. Verses Nos. 
7 to 12 run thus: 




" All men there take birth ( as if ) 
fallen from heaven. All are of pure 
birth and are extremely handsome. 
There twins ( of opposite sexes ) are 
born, the women resembling Apsa- 
ras in beauty. They drink the 
milk, sweet as Amrit, of those milk- 
giving trees. And the twins born 
there grow up equally; both (male and 
female being) possessed of equal 
beauty, both endowed with similar 



130 



virtues and both equally dressed ; 
thus, O king, both grow up in love, 
like a couple of Chakra-vdka 
birds. These persons are free 
from illness and are always 
cheerful. Ten thousand and ten 
hundred years they live, O king, 
and never abandon each other. A 
class of birds called Bharunda, 
furnished with sharp beaks and pos- 
sessed of great strength, take them 
up, when dead, and throw them into 
mountain caves. " 

We have here references to the 
practices of next-of-kin marriage 
and exposure of dead bodies. The 
Commentator, while explaining 



says : 

"The Chakravakas are bird-couples, 
who move together. " Hence it is 
suggested that the twins lived as 
husband and wife. Further up the 
Commentator explains T ^Ifffi thus: 
^far ft 3TTC 5ltR.3F5ffi: I " The 
couples abandon their bodies 
together." This evidently refers to 
the custom of Sati, in which the wife 
consigned her body '-to the flames 
along with her dead husband. 

Now who were these people of the 
Uttara or Northern Kurus ? Aitareya 
Brahmana (VIII, 13-14) shows 
that they were Hindus. They could 
not have been Zoroastrians in view 
of the Sati practice which prevailed 
among them. According to M. M. 
Kunte these people and the Madras 
lived on the Punjab side of the Hi- 
malayas. ( See Vicissitudes of Aryan 
Civilization in India p. 374 ). 

Incest Among Pandias. 

Mr. Vaidya says: "The curious 
story is related by Greek authors, 
that Heracles ( i. e. Krishna) had a 
daughter by name Pandia, on whom 
he raised progeny by incest, and 
assigned it to a country, which lies 
to the south and extends to the 
sea ( McCrindle's Ancient India ). 
Here is a jumble of names and facts. 
The Pandavas were no doubt the 
sons of Krishna's father's sister, and 



his own sister was the mother of the 
next heir. But the Pandias were a 
different race of Indians altogether 
who settled in the south of India, 
and among whom peculiar marriage 
institutions obtained ( probably co- 
pied from the native inhabitants), 
such as the marriage between sisters 
and brothers. The same story has 
been copied by Ferishta" (Vaidya's 
Mahabharata p. 67 ). 

Comment is unnecessary. We think, 
that in view of the above facts it is 
high time that the general idea that 
the customs of the next-of-kin marri- 
age and exposure of corpses were 
peculiar to the "Zoroastrians* or 
Magians is either modified or 
given up. 

Gaya, Buddha's Holy Place. 

(2) The second external circum- 
stance, which we have to consider 
is, that Gautama selected Gaya as his 
centre. According to the Dabestan. 
" The ancient Persians claimed Gaya 
as a temple of their foundation, 
where Gaya ( that is, Kaiwan or the 
planet Saturn ) was worshipped. 
Dr.'Spooner thinks, that it is now 
intelligible what the author of the 
Dabestan meant. "GayS, was an 
early seat of Magian worship. 
Gautama Buddha, as a religious stu- 
dent went thither as to the holy 
place of his own people, the Zoroas- 
trians. The Magian Brahmans, who 
did not accept his reforms, had held 
the spot sacred before his time, and 
his followers naturally held it doubly 
sacred after him." 

Let us however see, what the 
Dabestan says on the subject. After 
referring to the fire-temples in Iran 
the writer says : " They also assert, 
that there were fire-temples in 
several parts of India, as in Dwarka 
was the temple of Satuin, called 
Dizh-i-Kaiv&n (Saturn's fort), which 
the Hindus turned into DwArka. 

* For incest among other nations see 
Genesis XI-29, XX-12, Exodus VI-20, Me. 
Lennan's Anc. Hist. pp. 175.117; Eraser's 
Adonis Attis Osiris pp. 394-397. 



131 



And in Gya* also was an idol- temple, 
called Gah-i-Kaivan (or Saturn's 
residence), which was turned into 
Gya. In Mahtra also was an idol- 
temple of Saturn, the name of which 
was Mahetar ; that is, chiefs or 
Mahetar resorted thither, which word 
by degrees became Mahtra " (Shea 
and Troyer Vol. I. pp. 52-53). 

Now Dwarka. Gaya and Mathura 
are pure Sanskrit words. But the 
author of theDabestan, who belonged 
to comparatively modern times, 
wanted to derive these names any- 
how from Persian words, because he 
had heard, that there were Parsi 
lire-temples there. It may be, that 
G tya was a holy city of the Hindus 
in ancient times, (and no doubt that 
was so, as we sec in the Mahabharata, 
Ramayana, f &c.), it may be that 
Buddha was born in this holy city, 
it may be that, the Zoroastrians built 
their lire-temples in this city, but 
are we justified in concluding from 
these premises, that Buddha was a 
Zoroastrian ? Why could it not be, 
that this city was a holy place of 
all the three religions at different 
times or possibly even at one and 
the same time ? 

As to Dwarka, it was an ancient 
town built by Krishna and destroyed 
by an inundation of the sea ( Vishnu 
Purana pp. 566, 613 ). It actually 
exists as a town with a celebrated 
temple in Gujarat. We have already 
seen that according to the writer of 
the Bombay Gazetteer '" The Hindu 
account of the fire-worshipping 

* In the foot-note the translators say, that 
" the true name is Gaya, a town in the 
province of Behar, 35 miles south of Patna. 
It is one of the holy places of the Hindus, 
to which pilgrimages are performed. It 
was made holy by the benediction of Vishnu, 
who granted its sanctity to the piety of 
Gay&i the Rajarshi, or according to another 
legend to Gaya, the Asura, who was over- 
whelmed by the deities with rocks. This 
place is also considered by some Hindus 
either as the birth-place or as the residence 
ot Buddha." 

t RSmSyana Bk. II. Ch. 101, and Katha 1 - 
sarit-sagara Vol. II. p. 383. M. Bh. Vana 
Parva Chap. 84 82, 96, 97 ; Garuda 
PurSna Chap, 13. 



priests from Persia into Dwarka 
probably belongs to the 6th century- 
ascendancy of the fire- worshipping 
Mihiras or Gurjjaras and white Huns" 
( Bom. Gaz. IX pt. II. p. 183 note ). 

Parallelisms Between 
Buddhism & Zoroastrianism. 

Dr. Spooner then adduces internal 
proofs, which have been noted by 
Spiegel and others- We must say 
that these same parallelisms were 
noted long ago by our learned friend 
Mr. G. K- Nariman to show the influ- 
ence of our religion on Buddhism. 

The learned Doctor notes the 
following parallelisms : 

(1) Zarathushtra planted a cypress 
tree before the fire-temple ; Gautama 
planted the bo-tree at Bodh-Gaya. 

(2) Kharenangha or kingly glory 
is mentioned in our religion. This 
closely resembled the Chakravartin 
idea of the Buddhists. 

(3) The Fravashi of Zarathushtra 
was seen by Geush Urvan as residing 
in heaven long before his -birth ; 
similarly Gautama's spirit was in 
heaven long before he was born. 

(4) In both the religions the 
heaven was the region of " eternal 
light." 

(5) The doctrine of future millen- 
nial prophets in our religion, is 
analogus to that of the Boddhisatvas. 

(6) The Buddhist books mention 
the "heaven of 33 gods." We 
have 33 ratus, 33 Firashtas 33 forms 
of ordeal &c. 

(7) When Zarathushtra was con- 
ceived in his mother's womb, Vohu- 
man and Ashavahishta conveyed to 
earth his Fravashi which combined 
with Khureh and material body. 
Similarly at the birth of Gautama, 
Brahma and Indra attended, as is 
seen from the bas-reliefs. 

(8) All nature rejoiced at 
the birth of Zarathushtra, and 
similarly at the birth of Buddha. 
The evil attempts made to kill 
the infant Zoroaster are analogous 



132 



to the attempts made on the life of 
the infant Buddha. 

(9) At the age of 30, both 
Zarathushtra and Buddha received 
enlightenment or divine light of 
revelation. After the revelation 
came the temptation by evil fiends 
in the case of both the prophets. 

(10) Asoka was a true copy of 
Vishtaspa both being famous for 
their proselytising zeal- 

From all these circumstances, Dr. 
Spooner arrives at the conclusion, 
that " Buddha's system was an adap- 
tation of the Magian faith to Indian 
conditions,'' or in other words Bud- 
dhism was a cult of Persian origin, 
wherein both Magians and Hindus 
were united in one common fold." 

Buddhism originated from 
Hinduism. 

We regret, we cannot agree to the 
conclusion of the learned Doctor. 
All the scholars are unanimous that 
Buddhism was a modification of 
Hinduism. We give below the 
opinions of some of them. 

Prof. Max Muller says: "Al- 
though Buddhism, as a religious, 
social and philosophical system is a 
reaction against Brahmanism, there 
is an unbroken continuity between 

the two Buddha himself shows 

no hostility to the Brahmans in 
general, nor does he seem to have 
been fond of arguing against Brah- 
manism What he attacks is Brah- 

manic sacrifice, as it had been 
developed in the Brahmanas, the 
privileges arrogated to their caste by 
the Brahmans, and the claim of a 
divine revelation set up for the 
Veda, particularly by the Brahmans." 
( Physical Religion pp. 94-95). 

In another place the same scholar 
says," Buddha learned the Rigveda 
and was proficient in all the bran- 
ches of Brahmanical lore. His 
pupils were many of them Brahmans, 
and no hostile feeling against the 
Brahmans finds utterance in the 
Buddhist canon. Buddhism in its 
original form, was only a modification 



of Brahmanism" (Anc. Sk. Lit. pp. 
261-262). 

Ganga Prasad in his book, the 
" Fountain Head of Religion " tries 
to show, that Buddhism was based 
on the Vedic religion. He says : 
" Buddhism spread in this country, 
because originally it was only a 
righteous protest against the unjust 
distinction of caste, cruel slaughter 
of animals, and an appeal for the 
practice of virtue and morality " 
(p. 59). 

Dutt says : " Gautama was not a 
thoughtless destroyer, nor a needles^ 
and enthusiastic opponent of all, 

that was orthodox and ancient 

He denounced caste, because he 
found it mischievous and believed 
it to be a late :and corrupted form of 
ancient Brahmanism. He proclaim- 
ed the fruitlessness of Vedic rites, 
because he found them as then 
practised to be silly, meaningless 
forms, attended with needless 
cruelty to animals and loss of life " 
( Anc. India Vol. I. p. 296 ff ). 

Rhys Davids says: "Gotama was 
regarded by the Hindus of that time 
as a Hindu We should never for- 
get, that Gotama was born and 
brought up and lived and died a 
Hindu. His teaching, far-reaching 
and original as it was, and really 
subversive of the religion 'of the 
day, was Indian throughout." 
Further up the same writer thus 
concludes: " Buddhism is essentially 
an Indian system. The Buddha 
himself was, throughout his career, 
a characteristic Indian. And what- 
ever his position as compared with 
other teachers in the west, we need 
here only claim for [him, that he 
was the greatest and wisest and best 
of the Hindus" (Buddhism, its His- 
tory and Literature, pp. 116, 117). 

R. Chanda's arguments on this 
point are quite conclusive. He says : 
"The accepted view that Gautama 
Buddha was born a Hindu is based 
on traditions and legends, enshrined 
in such canonical works, as the 



133 



Mahdvastu, Divydvaddna and Lalita 
Vistara. and non-canonical works 
like Ashvaghoshd 's Buddha-charita 
and the Pali Niddnakathd. These 
works agree in representing Suddho- 
dana ( father of Buddha ) as a 
Brahmanist. A Brahman named 
Udayana was his Purohita (domes- 
tic priest ). Ten days after the birth 
of the future Buddha, we are told in 
the Buddha-charita (1-88, 89), 
Suddhodana ' offered for his son most 
elaborate sacrifices to the gods with 
muttered prayers and oblations,' and 
gave to the Brahmans cows full of 
milk. According to the Mahdvastu, 
when the child first entered Kapila- 
vastu with his mother, he was taken 
to the temple named Sdkya-vardhana 
for bowing to the feet of the god- 
dess Abhaya. (3fff2n% ^)% Ti<*Ki ). 
In the Divydvaddna, the temple 
(^<p5) is called Sdkyavardha. In 
the Lalita Vistara it is said, that the 
temple contained the images of Siva, 
Skanda, Narayana, Moon, Sun, Vai- 
shravana, Shakra, Brahma and the 
Lokapalas. If one chooses to ignore 
these traditions, while crediting others 
like the next-of-kin marriage practis- 
ed by Buddha's ancestors, anything 
can be proved about him." (R. Chan- 
dra's Indo- Aryan Races pp. 'J41-242.) 

According to Vincent Smith ' ' Bud- 
dhism was a sect of Hinduism un- 
known beyond very restricted limits 
...... When Asoka accorded to it his 

invaluable support, it was but one of 
the many sects struggling for exis- 
tence and survival." ( Hist, of India 
pp. 167 8). 

Cardinal Truths of 
Buddhism. 

The four cardinal truths,* enjoined 

* The four Truths or the four words o f 
truth are :^5^ "pain" ^JJ^T "origin" 
" destruction " and jr "road" 



to be practised by Buddhism were; 

(1). Life is suffering. (2). The 
cause of suffering is thirst after life. 
(3). The conquering of that thirst 
leads to cessation of suffering, and 
(4) The extinction of that thirst 
can be achieved by a holy life. 
(Mahavagga 1-6 quoted in Anc. India 
Vol. I. p. 343, 355). Mr. Ganga 
Prasad points out, that these truths 
occur repeatedly in books of Vedic 
religion and philosophy. For exam- 
ple, in the Nyaya Sutras (I, 2) we 
read : 



I "Of 

suffering, attachment ( to life ), evil 
motive and false knowledge, the 
extinction of one leads to the extinc- 
tion of that, which precedes it ; and 
the extinction of suffering is the 
summum bonum" 

Commandments of 
Buddhism. 

According to Dhdmmika Sutra the 
five commandments, which are obli- 
gatory on all Buddhists are : 

(1) Not to kill living beings; (2) 
Not to take what is not given ; (3) 
Not to speak falsehood ; (4) Not to 
drink intoxicating drinks and (5) 
Not to be unchaste.* Dutt says : 
" these (commandments) were sug- 
gested by Vasistha's five Mahd- 
pdtakas or great sins. (Anc. India 
Vol. I. p. 358 ). Ganga Prasada 
tracing them to the five yamas or 
rules of conduct, mentioned by 
Patanjalit in his Yoga Sutra. (11-30)^ 



( Dharamapada Chap. 20 273 ; S. B. E. 
Vol. I. Pt. I. p. 67). Elsewhere the four 
holy truths are given thus: Pain, the 
origin of pain, the destruction of pain and 
the eight-fold (way that leads to the quiet- 
ing of pain. Dhammapada Chap. 14 91 
S. B. E. Vol. IPt. I. p. 52). 



"Not to kill animals, not to speak 
falsehood, not to commit theft, not 
be unchaste, not to indulge in sen- 
sual pleasures, are the rules of con- 
duct,"] concludes thus: "Buddha 
did not preach any new religion or 

* See S. B. E. Vol. 10 Part Il-p. 66. 

f It might be argued that Patanjali was 
probably a later writer. The answer is 
that such Suttas must have been in existence 
long before Patanjali 's time ; the Brahmans 
would not borrow any dogma from their 
enemies the Buddhists, *ho bad chucked up 
Hinduism. 



134 



any new truth. He only repudiated 
certain evils, which were no part of 
true Vedic religion. Buddhism, 
therefore ( by which we have to 
understand the noble precepts taught 
by Gautama), is based on Vedic reli- 
gion." (See Sacred Books of Hindus 
Vol. IV. p. 155; Fountain Head of 
Religion pp. 54 62.) 

Parallelisms. 

As regards the various parallelisms 
we will at once admit, that our 
religion may have exercised some 
influence on Buddhism. There is 
no religion in the world, which has 
not exercised some sort of influence 
on another religion, which came 
after it. tt is well known, that Bud- 
dhism exercised some influence on 
Christianity, and the latter on Maho- 
medanism. Buddhism sprang up 
directly from the Vedic religion 
such is, as we have seen, emphati- 
cally the opinion of Max Muller, 
Dutt, V. Smith, Ganga Prasad and 
others. It is therefore our duty to 
be cautious, and see whether the 
parallelisms cannot be traced back 
in the ancient Hindu scriptures. 

Zoroastrian Influence. 

The influence of the Zoroastrian 
religion on Buddhism, however slight 
it may have been, has to be acknow- 
ledged. The temptation of Buddha 
by the evil spirit Mara may have 
been borrowed from the Zoroastrian 
books, in which we read about the 
.temptation of Zarathushtra by the 
evil spirit. Spiegel thought, that 
this was the single borrowing from a 
Persian source, although Max Muller 
held a different opinion, even as 
regards this influence. But as Max 
Muller has not adduced proofs, we 
are not inclined to accept his view. 

We have come across another 
parallelism, which is not found in 
Hindu books and which we give 
subject to correction. In the Hado- 
khta Nuska we read that after the 
death of a pious man, his good 
actions assume the form of a beauti- 



ful damsel, who comes to receive 
him on his way to heaven. Similarly 
in the Dhammapada ( verse 220) we 
read: "There do his good works 
receive him, who has done good, 
and has gone from this world to 
the other, as kinsmen receive 
a favourite on his return." We must 
admit that this parallelism is not so 
complete, as we would wish it to be. 

ehakravartin and Shri 
Ideas. 

Khannatigha or kingly glory has 
been compared with the Chakravar- 
tin idea of the Buddhists. It might 
be, as well, compared with the idea 
of Shri* or Lukshmi in the Maha- 
bharata. We are told, that "the 
Asurasf were originally just, good 
and charitable, knew the Dharma, and 
sacrificed, and were possessed of many 
other virtues. And therefoie, Shri 
the goddess of prosperity dwelt with 
them during Yugas from the begin- 
ning of the world. But afterwards, 
as they multiplied in numbers, they 
became proud, vain and quarrelsome ; 
they infringed the Dharma and 
neglected to sacrifice ...... As they 

had thus changed their nature, Shri 
forsook them." (M. Bh. XII-8268ff. 
Fausball's Indian Mythology p. 20. 
M. Bh. Vana ParvaChap. 94. M. Bh. 
Santi Parva Chap 228 20ff). 

Region of Light and 
33 Gods. 

It is stated, that according to the 
Zoroastrian as well as the Buddhist 
religions, the heaven was the " re- 
gion of eternal light." Do we not 
read in the Rigveda, that the heaven 

* Cf. Skandagupta's inscription at Juna- 
gar where we read 



n 

" Luxmi, having with a firm mind well 
considered the causes of good and bad qua- 
lities, rejectecL one after another, sons of 
kings, and at flst married him herself. " 
(B. B. R. A. S. Journal VII. pp. 122, 128). 

t That is, Daityas and D&navas. 



135 



is a place ^ sqsraf " where 
there is ever-lasting light " (Rv. IX- 
113-9). 

Dr. Spooner observes about the 
splfiRr. or Buddhistic heaven of 33 
gods, that "this number thirty-three 
in application to the gods is also 
Zoroastrian. It occurs to be sure in 
the Rigveda also, but in India the 
idea is less prominent in Hindu 
works than in the Buddhist." We 
regret, we cannot subscribe to this. 
We should think, that the idea is 
more prominent in the Hindu scrip- 
tures. More than half a dozen 
passages can be quoted to show, 
that in the Rigveda, we have mention 
of 33 gods. (See Rv. 1-34-11,1-45-2, 
1-139-11, 1II-G-9, VIII-28-1, VIII- 
30-2, VIII-39-9, IX-92-4). If these 
are not enough, we can quote ins- 
tances from the Black Yajur Veda 
(1-4-10-1), the White Yajur Veda 
(XIV-31), the Atharva Veda X-4-27, 
X-7-13, 23), Shatapatha Brahmana 
(4-5-7-2. 14-16-3), Aitareya Brah- 
mana (1-2-10, 111-22), Vishnu Pu- 
rana, * Ramayana (1-41), and Ma- 
hcibharata.f Dutt rightly observes, 
that "Gautama adopted the popular 
belief in the Hindu Pantheon the 
33 8d s f th- e Rigveda, and Brahma 
and the Gandharvas." (Anc. India 
Vol. I. p. 356). 

Doctrine of Future Prophets. 

As regards the doctrine of future 
millennial prophets, which we come 
across in the Zoroastrian and Bud- 
dhist scriptures, we may say, that 
it is found in the Hindu books also. 
The ten incarnations or avatars of 
Vishnu are referred to in the follow- 
ing verse : 



" Fish, Tortoise, Boar, Man- lion, 
Dwarf, Parashurama, Rama, Krishna, 
Buddha and Kalki " ( are the 10 

* See Wilson p. 123. These were 8 Va- 
sus, 11 Rudras, 12 Adityas, Prajapati and 
Daksha, 

t Adi Parva Chap. 66 37. 



Avatars ).* Of these the first nine 
appeared in archiac and ancient times, 
but Kalki is still to come. In his 
tenth and last avatdra, Vishnu will 
appear as the destroyer of the wicked 
and liberator of the world from its 
enemies- This is to take place at 
the end of the four Yugas. Jayadeva 
thus refers to the Kalki avatdra in 
Gitagovinda 110 : +^ 



^nftt snr wtffrt ^ n 

" O Keshava, at the destruction of 
the multitude of the Mlechhas, you 
will wield the dreadful sword, which 
is like a comet. O Hari, lord of the 
world, may you be successful having 
got the body of Kalki." It will be 
seen, that Kalki will perform a 
function similar to that of our Sosio- 
sha. ( See Fravardin Yt. 129, also 
Garuda Purana p. 62, Note by 
Earnest Wood). 

Nature Rejoiced at Zoroas- 
ter's and Buddha's Births. 

An important comparison is seen 
in the fact, that all nature rejoiced 
at the birth of Zoroaster and that of 
Buddha. 

Now it is well known to students 
of comparative religion, that glowing 
and miraculous accounts are found 
as quite usual about the births and 
lives of prophets, apostles and 
important personages. We are not 
therefore surprised at the resem- 
blances of the birth-accounts of 
Zoroaster, Buddha, Christ and Rama. 
We shall quote a few passages from 
the Ramayana : 

Rama was born on the 9th day of 
Chaitra, when : 

The moon within that mansion 
shone, 

Which Aditi looks kindly on, 
Raised to their apex in the sky, 



* BhSgvata PurSna gives 22 incarnations; 
of these the last two, Buddha and Kalki, 
are to come in the future (see also Muir's 
Sk. Texts IV p. 156). 



136 



Five brilliant planets * beamed 

on high, 

Shone with the moon, in Can- 
cer's sign, 
Vrihaspati with light divine. 

(Ramayana Bk. I. Ch. 19 ). 

Prof. Griffith says, that the poet 
intended to indicate the vernal equi- 
nox, as the birth- day of Rama; for, 
Chaitra is the first of the two months 
assigned to spring. We thus see, 
that Rama was born in the com- 
mencement of spiing; and such was 
also the case with Zarathushtra. 

The birth of Buddha was presided 
over by the Pushya Nakshatra. \ The 
birth of Bharata, the brother of 
Rama, was presided over by the 
same constellation Pushya, as we read 
in the Ramayana (Bk. I. Ch. 19). 

The Archangels Vohuman and 
Asha conveyed Zarathushtra's Fra- 
vashi, which united with the Khureh 
in his mother's womb. Dr. Spooner 
supposes, that these Ameshaspents 
were the archtypes of Brahma and 
Indra, which loom largely in the 
bas-reliefs of the birth of Buddha. 
He adds, that " even the words 
Vohuman and Brahma are to be 
connected." We however fail to see 
any connection, because the Sanskrit 
word e^H'EMs the exact equivalent 
of the Avesta word Vohumanangh. 
This point, however, is immaterial. 
But what shall we say about Asha- 
vahishta and Indra ? They are 
certainly the enemies of each other, 
as we see in the Vendidad and 
Bundehishna. (Vend. XIX-43. Bund. 
1-127, XXX-29). At the birth of 
Zarathushtra, the god Indra and 
several other devas were terrified 
and they tried to find out means to 
kill him (Vend. XIX-43/46). We 
thus see, that the analogy entirely 
fails here. 

Aditi is the lady of the lunar mansion 
Punarvasu. The five planets and their 
positions are given thus: the Sun in Ariesi 
Mars in Capricorn, Saturn in Libra, Jupiter 
in Cancer and Venus in Pisces. 

t Ganga Prasad's Fountain Head of 
Religion (p. 61). 



Turning to the Gathas (Ha XXIX) 
and Bundehishna (Chap. IV.) we 
see, that a council of the Angels is 
held under the presidentship of 
Ahuramazda, in which Geush Urvan 
the world's soul complains of the 
calamities and miseries on this earth, 
and implores the heavenly spirits 
for help. Ahuramazda shows to 
Geush Urvan the Fravashi of Zara- 
thushtra, which was created long 
before his birth, and says, that Zara- 
thushfcra will be sent as a prophet 
to remedy the evil. 

A similar story is seen in the 
Ramayana. At the sacrifice of Da- 
sharatha, (father of Rama) Vishnu, 
Indra, Maruts and all the holy gods 
assemble and complain to Brahma, 
the ruler of the sky, about the tor- 
ments of Ravana thus : 

That lord of giants fierce and 

fell, 
Scourges the earth, and heaven 

and hell, 
Mad with the boon, his impious 

rage 
Smites saint and bard and god 

and sage. 

Then Vishnu said, that he would 
divide himself into 4 parts ; half of 
his self would take birth as Rama, 
one quarter as Bharata, and one 
quarter as Luxman and Shatrughna. 

Then Vishnu, fain on earth to 
dwell, 

Bade the Almighty Sire fare- 
well, 

And vanished, while a reverent 
crowd 

Of gods and saints in worship 
bowed (Griffith's Tr. Ra 
mayana I, Ch. 14-15-19). 

Don't we see very close resem- 
blance in the two stories ? 

A better parallelism is however 
found in the Bhagavata Parana, for 
which I am indebted to my friend 
Mr. K. E. Punegar. The poet says: 
" The goddess Earth, being oppressed 
by the heavy load of tens of thou- 
sands of Daitya hosts, who were 
born as arrogant kings, sought the 



shelter of Brahma. She took the 
form of a cow, and with tears running 
down her cheeks, piteously related 
her grievances to the Lord Creator. 
Brahma carried the complaint of the 
cow to Vishnu, and the result was 
the avatarship of Shri Krishna " * 
(Study of Bhagavata Purdna by P. N. 
Sinhap. 245). 

No doubt Purinas are later pro- 
ductions, but it is easy to see, that 
the Hindus would be the last men to 
borrow ideas from their religious 
enemies the Buddhists. 

Let us proceed further. Raghu- 
Vamsa, the well-known poem of 
Kalidcls gives us genuine tradition 
and semi-historical account of Rama 
and his ancestors. The three wives 
of Dasharatha, who had become 
pregnant at one and the same time, 
saw in their dreams, that their own 
persons were protected by angelic 
beings, that they were carried in the 
sky by the Garuda of golden wings, 
that they were waited upon by 
Luxmi, and that they were worship- 
ped by the seven holy Rishis (Raghu 
Vamsa X-59, 63). 

Now does not this Luxmi resemble 
Khurehy which encircled Zoroaster, 
and Maya which grasped Buddha ? 
Do not the angelic beings remind us 
of the archangels, who attended on 
the infant Zoroaster, and the gods 
Indra and Brahma, who waited upon 
the infant Buddha ? 

* C. V. Vaidya points out that." The 
usual story of Avataras given in the Puranas, 
namely, that the Earth, oppressed, goes to 
Vishnu in the form of a cow to implore for 
redress, and he comes to life together with 
all the deities of heaven for the purpose of 
destroying her oppressors is found in the 
MahSbhaTata in a nucleus form. In Chap- 
ters 65 and 66 of the Bhishma Parva it is 
stated that Brahma, surrounded by Rishis 

and gods praised Vishnu, the Supreme 

Being, and implored him to be born for the 
deliverance of the earth. Vishnu thereon 
was pleased and promised to grant his 

request.' In Chapter 167 of the Adi 

Parva, the oppressed Earth goes to Brahma, 
who directs all gods to go down to the earth 
and be born as mortals. They then all go 
to Narayana and Indra implores him to be 
born on the earth &c. (See Vaidya's 
Mahibharata pp. 40-48). 



The author further tells us, that 
the infant Rama was of unrivalled 
lustre. He outshone the lamps in 
the lying-in-chamber. At the birth 
of Rcima, the four quarters breathed 
freely, as it were, by means of the 
breezes, that were free from dust. 
Fire and the sun, who were oppressed 
by the Rdkshashas became freed 
from grief the one on account of 
his being smokeless, the other on 
account of his clearness. The for- 
tune of the Demon shed drops of 
tears. The gods played on the 
musical instruments in heaven, and 
the all-yielding Santanaka tree 
poured a shower of flowers in the 
palace of the king Dasharatha (Raghu 
Vamsa X, 66-67). 

Does not all this show, that nature 
rejoiced at the birth of Rama, just 
as it did in the case of Zarathushtra 
and Buddha ? What ground have 
we to say that the Zoroastrian religion 
influenced Buddhism in this matter 
and that the Hindu religion did not 
do so ? 

Buddha & Zoroastrianism. 

The theory, that Gautama Buddha 
was a Zoroastrian, is indeed astound- 
ing. One point would strike every 
Avestan student. As we are 
told, that the Scikyas, the ancestors 
of Buddha, were Zoroastrians, Bud- 
dha must have been a Zoroastrian 
from his birth. Now it is argued by 
some scholars,* that the Gautama of 
the Fravardin Yashta was Gautama 
Buddha. If so, we see that a born 
Zoroastrian had questioned the truth 
of his own religion, and had invent- 
ed quite a new faith ; in other words, 
he was the first apostate, and such a 
circumstance would have been hand- 
ed down to posterity in indubitable 
terms. 

Doctrine of Karma. 

The theory of transmigration or 
rather of Karma might here claim a 
few words from us. Gautama Buddha 
held, that after the death of any being, 
there survived nothing at all but that 



138 



being's Karma, the result of its 
mental and bodily action, and that 
every individual was the last inheri- 
tor and the last result of the Karma of 
a long series of past individuals. We 
read, for instance, in the Buddhist 
Sutras, that " after death the wrong 
doer is reborn into unhappy state, 
and the well doer is reborn into 
happy state." The Dhummapada 
( verse 325 ) says: "when a man be- 
comes fat and a great eater, a slug- 
gard rolling this way and that, 

again and again does that fool enter 
the womb." In the Sutta Nipata 
(verse 647), the writer " calls him 
a Brahman, who sees through heaven 
and hell, and who has reached the 
end of births." In the Sotapatti- 
sanyutta," men are said to be reborn 
in purgatory, animal kingdom, and 
condition of ghosts, gods and men." 

Now the question is whence was 
this theory borrowed by the Buddh- 
ists. There is certainly no such 
theory in our scriptures. According 
to Rhys Davids "the Aryans did not 
bring a belief in transmigration with 
them in India, and this doctrine is 
entirely absent in the Vedas. " We 
however find traces thereof in the 
Rigveda ( X-16 ), which may have 
been later interpolations. Anyhow 
in the Upanishadas ( 600 B. C. ) the 
theory suddenly appears in perfect 
completeness. For example in the 
Chhandogya Upanishada ( V-10) we 
read: "Those whose conduct has been 
good, will quickly attain a good birth 
as a Brahman, Kshatriya or Vaishya." 
Similarly in the Kaushitaki Upani- 
shada it is stated that "all who 
depart from this world go to the 

moon In the dark fortnight the 

moon sends them into new births... 
and they are born as worms, grass- 
hoppers, fishes, birds, lions, boars, 
serpents, tigers, men &c. according 
to their deeds and knowledge." 
Buddha and his followers adopted 
this theory with the modification, 
that they added the doctrine of the 
eternity of transmigration. (Rhys 
Davids' Origin and Growth of Reli- 



gion, Buddhism pp. 92, 106, 107, 
236,80, 73, S3). 

Thus then this important theory of 
Buddhism was certainly not borrow- 
ed from the Zoroastrians. 

Moral Triad in Buddhism 
and Hinduism. 

We have done with Dr. Spooner's 
important arguments, so far as Bud- 
dha is concerned. But our learned 
friend Mr. G. K. Nariman has ad- 
duced some more arguments, which 
arrest our attention. In our religion 
there are constant references to the 
moral philosophy contained in the 
Triad of Humata, Hukhta and Hvar- 
shta. "Good thought, good word 
and good deed" or the opposite 
thereof. There are similar references 
in the Buddhist scriptures. For 
example, in the Dhammapada (XXVI 
verse 391) a Brahman is thus de- 
fined: "He who commits no sin 
by body or speech or mind, and is 
restrained in the three respects-him 
I call a Brahman."* Now was this 
moral triad peculiar to the Zoroastri- 
ans and the Buddhists ? Not at all. 
We come across the triad in the 
Hindu scriptures also. Here is a 
passage from the Brahmana of the 
Yajur Veda : 



" What a man contemplates in 
thought, he speaks in speech ; what 
he speaks in speech, he does in 
deed."f 

In the Manusmriti we read: 



n 

(Manu XII. 9 ) "Man attains the 
( fixed ) condition ( of vegetables and 
minerals) on account of his faulty 

* See also Dhammapada VII 97 where 
we read: " His thought is quiet, his word 
and deed are quiet" (.S. B. E. Vol 10-pt. I. 
p. 28.) Cf. KSlavagga XIII-7. 

t Quoted in Fountain Head of Religion 
by Ganga Prasad p. 168. See also Muir's 
Sk. Texts Vol. I, D. 31. 



139 



actions arising from the body; the 
condition of birds and quadrupeds 
on account of his ( faulty ) speech, and 
the lowest condition on account of 
his ( faulty ) thoughts." 

In Garuda Purana Saroddhara 
( 111-12 ) we read : = 



II " Those followers of 
the King of Justice (Yama) know 
accurately all the virtues and vices 
of mankind, and the Karma born 
of mind, speech and body." (Also see 
idem VIII-36, VIII-59, X-47). 

In Bhagvad Gita^ XVI1I-15 we 
have : 



" Whatever action a man begins to 
do by his body, speech and 
mind" &c. 

Prof. Max Muller's remarks on this 
subject are quite convincing. He 
says : "That this very natural three- 
fold division, thought, word and deed, 
the trividha-dvdra or the three doors 
of the Buddhists was not peculiar to 
the Buddhists or unknown to the 
Brahmans, has been proved against 
Dr. Weber by Prof. Koppen in his 
'Religion des Buddha' I. p. 445. 
He particularly called attention to 
Manu XII, 4-8 ; and he might have 
added Mahabh. XII, 4059, 6512, 
6554, 6549 ; XIII, 5677 etc. Dr. 
Weber has himself afterwards 
brought forward a passage from the 
Atharva-Veda VI-96-3 (q^gqr fr^T 
^ 3TRT 3HlR*r ), which however has 
a different meaning. A better one 
quoted by him from the Taitt. Ar. 



fi).* Similar expressions 
have been shown to exist in the Zend- 
Avesta and among the Manichaeans. 
There was no ground, therefore, for 
supposing, that this formula had 
found its way into the Christian 
liturgy from Persia ; for, as Prof. 
Cowell remarks, Greek writers, such 
as Plato employ very similar expres- 

* " What evil deed was done by my mind, 
speech or deed." 



sions." (S. B. E. Vol. X pt. I. 
p. 29 note ). 

Killing Noxious Creatures. 

Another parallelism is, that both in 
our religion and Buddhism there are 
injunctions to kill noxious creatures. * 
A similar commandment was also in 
vogue among the Vedic people. In 
the Rigveda (1-191-15 ) we read : 



"The poison-insect is so small; I 
crush the creature with a stone ; 
I turn the poison hence away, de- 
parted into distant lands." This 
stanza is a part of the hymn, in which 
venomous reptiles, insects, scorpions, 
aquatic worms and noxious creatures, 
lurking in grass, cow-pens, houses 
etc. are made to vanish by spells and 
charms. Under these circumstances 
we cannot say with certainty, whether 
the Buddhistic moral triad and the 
commandment to kill noxious crea- 
tures were borrowed from the Zoro- 
astrian or the Hindu religion. 

Temptation by Evil Spirit. 

Now as to the temptation of the 
prophets by an evil spirit Prof. Max 
Muller observes : " We are not 
surprised, that Buddha should be 
represented as having been tempted 
by an evil spirit called Mara, for, 
such temptations form an inevitable 
element in the lives of saints and 
founders of every religion." 

Further up the same writer says : 
" 'At the incarnation of Buddha a 
great light appeared, the blind 
received their sight, the deaf heard 
a noise, the dumb spoke one with 
another, the crooked became 
straight, the lame walked &c.' But 
such phrases are found in the Rig- 
veda also. Thus in Rv. II-] 5-7 
' the lame stood, the blind saw, 
Indra did this in the joy of Soma.' 



* Mr. G. K. Nariman quotes a 
from the Pali Jitaka in J. R. A. 

p. 256. 



passage 
>. 191? 



140 



In Rv. VIII-79-2 the same miracle 
is ascribed to Soma himself : ' Soma 
covers what is naked, he heals all 
that is weak ; the blind saw, the lame 
came forth. In Rv. 1112-8, the 
Ashvins are said to have helped the 
blind and lame to see and to walk.' 
If the ancient Vedic gods could do 
this, it was but natural, that the 
same miracle in almost the same 
words should be ascribed to Buddha." 
(Max Muller's Physical Religion pp. 
390-394). 

Or. Spooner's Letter in the 
Bengalee. 

Dr. Spooner has restated his 
theory in a modified form in a letter 
published in the Bengalee of Calcutta, 
dated llth March 1916. In this 
letter he says : " I do not say, that 
either Chandragupta or the Buddha 
was a Persian in our modern sense. 
I say, they were members of a body 
of Aryans, who came into this coun- 
try at a date subsequent to the arri- 
val of the first Aryan immigrations, 
when sufficient time had elapsed 
for the Vedic Hindus and their Ira- 
nian cousins to have developed 
differences of faith." 

Dr. Spooner then proceeds to sum 
up his evidences thus : " When the 
Linguistic Survey of India shows us, 
at that time beyond all explanation, 
that the Aryan languages of North 
India fall into two groups ; when the 
Prakrit grammarians assert, that the 
(obviously Iranian) dialect of Balkh 
was integral part of Magadhi ; when 
the language ot these Outer Band 
Districts display Iranian characteris- 
tics, when excavation at Patliputra 
discloses pottery with the Persian 
fire-altar emblazoned on it, as well 
as a group of palaces agreeing in 
minute detail and even in grouping 
with the complex of Persepolis ; 
when the Prabodha-chandrodaya tells 
us, that Magadha was a country 
peopled mostly by foreigners ; and 
when the present population of 
Bihar shows such a number of 
admittedly Skadvipin Brahmans, 
is it sp wholly preposterous to 



suggest, that this region must have 
been settled by an Iranian body in 
prehistoric times " ? 

If by the expression " A Zoroast- 
rian Period of Indian History " Dr. 
Spooner means that the Zoroastrians 
settled in India in prehistoric times, 
we have nothing to say against his 
abovesaid conclusion, although the 
premises might be easily challenged; 
but that is evidently not his meaning, 
when he calls the Mauryas Zoroast- 
rians, and Chandragupta Maurya a 
Persian, (J. R. A. S. 1915 pp. 413, 
417 ), and uses such expressions as 
" the first imperial rulers of India 
were Persians, &c." ( p. 421 idem). 

R. ehanda's Reply. 

Dr Spooner's premises have been 
challenged by R. Chanda in his 
book named " the Indo- Aryan Races" 
(p. 220 fF ) from which we propose 
to give a brief summary with our 
remarks. 

(l) The classification of the 
Aryan languages of Northern India 
into two groups was never regarded 
as beyond all explanation. One of 
the explanations put forth by Dr. 
Hoernle and adopted by Sir George 
Grierson is as under: 

The Midland extended from the 
Himalayas on the north to the Vin- 
dhya Hills on the South, and from 
Sarhind in the Eastern Punjab on 
the West to the confluence f the 
Ganges and the Jamna on the East. 
Round it lay the Outer Band, which 
included the modern Punjab, Sind, 
Gujarat, Rajputana, Oudh and Bihar. 
Now a comparison of the modern 
vernacular shows that the dialects of 
the Outer Band are more closely 
related to each other than the dialect 
of the Midland. It appears, that at 
an early period there must have 
been two sets of Indo-Aryan dialects- 
one for the Midland and the other 
for the Outer Band. From this it is 
argued that the inhabitants of the 
Midland represent the latest stage of 
Indo- Aryan immigration. The earli- 
est arrivals spoke one dialect and the 
new-comers another. 



141 



Dr. Haddon thinks, that some 
members of the Alpine race from 
the highlands of South-West Asia 
came into India in pre-historic times. 

[ Note : In his review of R. 
Chanda's book Dr. Keith disputes both 
the theories given above. He says: 
"The theory of Dr. Spooner, which 
sees in the outer people, descendants 
of Magian immigrants, is decisively 
rejected; but in place of Magians 
are supplied men of the physical 
type of the Homo Alpinus, the ori- 
ginal inhabitants of the Pamirs and 
the Takla-Makan desert, as deter- 
mined by the investigations of Mr. 
Joice, speakers of Tocharian, an 
Indo-European but not Indo-Iranian 

speech It cannot be too often 

and too clearly asserted, that the 
two invasion hypothesis of Dr. 
Hrernle and Sir Grierson has not 
the slightest support whatever in the 
Vedic literature. It has clearly no 

secure support in the Prakrits 

it has therefore to depend on theories 
as to the modern vernaculars, i.e., 
deductions are to be drawn for the 
period 1500-1200 B. C. from our 
imperfect knowledge of the compa- 
rative development of these tongues 
in the last five centuries or so."] 
(J. R. A. S. 1917pp. 167-175). 

(2) Among the languages of the 
Outer Band, the modern languages 
of Bengal, Beh^r, Assam and Orissa 
owe their origin to Magadhi Prakrit. 
A glance at the tables given by Dr. 
Muir in his Sanskrit Texts Vol. II. 
will show, that Prakrit and Pali 
languages display Indian peculiari- 
ties to a very great extent. 

(8) The Persian pottery and the 
Persipolitan style of the Mauryan 
palaces disclosed by the excavations 
at Patliputra should be attributed to 
the Persian architects employed by 
the Mauryas, and not so the natives 
of Magadha, whose ancestors are 
supposed to have come from Iran. 

(4) Prabodha-chandndaya is a 
Sanskrit drama written about the 



latter half of the eleventh century 
A. D. * It contains a statement, that 
" Magadha was mostly inhabited by 
Mlechhas" ( ^p&Wtt: ). But the Mle- 
chhas could not necessarily be the 
Persians. In the -Bhavishya Purana 
Noah is called a Mlechha, Moses an 
Acharya of the Mlechhas and Ma- 
homed the Preceptor of the Mlech- 
has. They were not Persians. The 
word Mlechhas was undoubtedly 
used in the sense of " foreigners. " 

(5) The Sakadvipin Brahmans are 
also known as Bhojaka or Maga 
Brahmans, as we have already seen. 

Thus then the data submitted by 
Dr. Spooner are easily disputed. 

Pacts Brought out by Dr. 
Spooner. 

But notwithstanding all, that we 
have said above, we must say, that we 
Zoroastrians would be failing in 
our duty towards Dr. Spooner, if we 
did not appreciate his arduous work 
both literary and archaeological. 
We must acknowledge our indebted- 
ness to Dr. Spooner for bringing 
into prominence the following facts, 
namely that a few centuries be- 
fore Christ, the Persians fought in 
India for their Mauryan masters, that 
their masses lived as subject-races 
in Northern India long before the 
Arab conquest of Persia, that their 
leaders were made chiefs and even 
petty Rajas, and that their masons 
had probably a hand in the erection 
of the Mauryan palaces after the 
style of the Persepolitan halls. 



Note on Nahapana (pp. 14*15) 

V. Smith says: "The arrow and 
thunderbolt of Nahapana's coins 
connect him with the Parthians, and 
the northern Satraps Hagana and 
Hagamasha." " Nahapana is a good 
old Persian name." ( Cat. Coins in 
I. M. Vol. I. p. 195; J. R. A. S. 
1906 p. 211 ). 

' See Epigraphia Indira I. p. 220. 



INDEX. 



Abdaases 19, 20. 

Abd ul Kais 50. 

Abisares 3. 

Abu Fazal 1, 59. 

Abul Feda 57. 

Abulama 11, 13, 14. 

Achchha 87. 

Adam 94. 

Adarparwa xiii. 

Ahasuerus 8. 

Ahmed al Biladuri 41. 

Ahunavar 87. 

Ahura (-mazda) 85, 88, 97-99, 106, 

107, 121, 124, 127, 136. 
AitareyaBr. 3, 119, 127, 130, 135. 
Aivyaonghem, Avyanga, Abhyanga 

(=KustU 77, 78, 84-89, 91-93. 
Ajanta 22, 37. 
Ajatashatri 8. 
Ajeysi 62, 63. 
Akbar xvi, 94. 
Ako v, vi, vii. 
Akrureshwar 46. 
Alafkhan (Alpkhan) 57, 63-65. 
Al Biruni x, 8, 51, 53, 77, 79, 80, 

102, 119. 
Alexander 24, 29,95, 102, 115, 116, 

124. 

Alla-ud-din iv, 55, 57, 59-65. 
Amarakosha iii, 80. 
Ambattha 126. 
Amir Khusru 61, 64. 
Ammianus Marcellinus 101. 
Anahita vii, 123, 124. 
Anantadeva 53. 
AnklesariaB. T. 53. 
Anklesaria T. D. 53, 68. 
Anquetil du Perron 50. 
Antiochus 96, 102, 122. 
Anvikshiki 116-117. 
Apastamba 105, 118. 
Apte 111, 123. 
Arabs xv, 30, 33, 35-37, 41, 44, 50, 

52, 54. 80, 81, 122, 141. 
Archaeological Survey W. I. 14, 15. 
Ardeshir 56, 57,60, 71. 
Ardeshir Bahman 54. 



Ardeshir Papakan 18. 

Arisimha (Arsi) iv, 58-60, 63. 

Arjuna 97, 98, 123. 

Arrian 3, 95. 

Arsacidse 26, 40. 

Arsakes 3, 20. 

Arthashashtra 113-1 If, 118. 

Asfandiar 1. 

Ashirwad Sk. 32. 

Ashtanga-yogahridaya 60. 

Ashvaghosha 133. 

Ashvalayana JOO. 

Asiatic Researches 21, 22, 24, 50. 

Asoka xi, xii, 8, 10, 11, 12, 96, 103, 

105-108, 110, 113, 114, 122, 

132, 133. 
Aspandiarji Kamdinji v, vi, vii, 

31,68. 

Assemani xiii. 
Asura (s) 3, 97, 98, 100, 103, 106, 

109, 123, 124,131, 134. 
Asura Maya xi, 96-103, 105, 106. 
Atash Nyash xiv, 86. 
Atharva Veda xi, 83, 86, 90, 92, 98, 

114, 116-121, 135, 139. 
Athasho 21. 
Atthakatha 108, 119. 
Aurangzeb 77. 

Avanti (Ujain) S, 23, 24, 36. 
Avtara 79, 80. 
Azes 19, 103, 125. 
Azilises 19. 



B 



Badami iii, 22, 32, 36, 37, 40, 42, 

44. 

Bahman v, vi, vii, 1, 66, 67, 68. 
Bahu 27. 
Bana 8, 80. 
Banasa 14. 
Banerji R. 15. 
Bappa 61, 63. 
Barot 64.65. 
Barsam 82. 
Barzuya 23. 
Bashpa 58. 
BaudhyAyana 116. 



144 



B. B. R. A. S. J. iii, x, 5-7, 11, 13, 
15, 23-25, 32, 33, 36, 37, 41, 
43-45, 54, 55, 68, 101, 107, 
108, 111, 122, 134. 

Behistun ii. 

Bengalee 1 40. 

Beramgore 7, 21, 22. 

Bhagadatta 122, 123. . 

Bhagvanlal Pandit 6, 11, 0, 23, 25, 
27, 32, 39, 43, 45, 46, 53, 125. 

Bhagvat and Apte 2. 

Bhagavat Purana 79, 127, 135-137. 

Bhagvad Gita 91, 127, 159. 

Bhandarkar Dr. Sir R. G. iv, viii, 
6, 29, 38, 40, 44-49, 56, 60, 71, 
76, 83, 90, 96, 101, 108, 111, 
112, 122. 

Bharata 136. 

Bharucha Sheheriarji v, vi, vii, viii, 
52, 55, 60, 71. 

Bharukachha (Broach) 14, 19, 22, 
35, 36, 46, 51-56, 61, 71. 

Bhasha 95. 

Bhashyacharya N. 33, 113. 

Bhattaraka 39. 

Bhattotpala 105. 

Bhavanagar State Inscriptions 11, 
32, 58-61, 63. 

Bhavishya Purana vi, viii, ix, x, xiv, 
xv, 28, 29, 73 ff, 121. 

Bhimsi62.63. 

Bhoja 58. 

Bhojakas 81, 82, 85-94, 124, 141. 

Bikajiv (Bhikaji) 54. 

Bilazori 30, 81 . 

Bloomfield Prof. 116, 117. 

Bombay Gazetteer 5, 6, 11, 14-16, 
20-30, 32-36, 38-40, 42-48, 
50-53, 57-61, 65, 79, 81, 83, 
88, 100, 101, 107, 120, 121, 
125, 126, 128, 129, 131. 

Briggs 18, 57, 64. 

Brihat Jataka 105. 

Brihat Samhita viii, 8, 9, 124. 

Buddha xi, 8, 18, 20, 110, 113, 120, 
125-127, 130-137, 139, 140. 

Buddha Charita 133. 

Buddhaghosha 108. 

Buddhist (Buddhism) xi, xiii. 20, 
21. 107, 110, 118, 114, 120, 
127, 128, 131-135, 138. 

Buhler Dr. 11-13, 19, 20, 113, 114, 
124. 

Bulsar 40, 42, 45, 46. 

Bulsara S. J. 28. 



Bundehishna 80, 124, 136. 
Burgess Dr. v, 13, J4, 25, 39, 53, 

78, 102, 105, 106. 
Burne 56. 
Bursom 28. 



Caldwell Dr. xviii, 27. 

Cambysis 127. 

Campbell Sir J. 31, 36, 57, 63. 

ChachSl. 

Chahal Sang 55. 

Chaitya 110, 113. 

Chakravati M. 7. 

Chalukyas iii, 32, 33, 35-37, 39-41, 

43-49, 61. 
Chanakya xi, 6, 107, 108, 113, 

115-119. 
Chanda R. 79, 84, 99, 100, 114, 

117, 124, 132, 183, 140, 141. 
Chanda Prakasha viii, 70, 71. 
Chandrabhaga (Chinab) 73, 74, ',6, 

80, 81, 84, 85. 
Chandragupta xi, 4, 6, 10-12, 18, 

95, 96, 103, 107, 108, 112-115, 

140. 

Chaul 32, 55, 57, 58. 
Chavannes xiii. 
Chavda 32, 33. 
Chedi era 32. 

Chhandogya Upanishad 98, 118, 138. 
Chinas 5, 115. 

Chitrakuta (Chitor) 25, 55, 57-65. 
Cholas 8. 

Christ i, 94, 135, 141. 
Chronicle, Bombay xv. 
Chrysostom 5. 
Codrington 25. 
Cowley Prof. 10. 
Crindle Me. 17, 95, 96, 130. 
Cunningham xii, 4, 8, 16, 18, 19-21, 

23, 25, 26, 79, 95, 103, 105-107, 

120, 124, 125, 129. 
Curtius 103. 
Cyrus ii. 



Dabestan 180. 

Dadda 39. 

Dadestan ix. 

Dadophori x. 

Dahanuka 15. 

Daji Dr. Bhau 6, 7, 11, 15, 38. 

Dakshamitra 15. 

Damana 15. 



146 



Damanganga 32, 44. 

Danavas 97-103, 106, 107, 123, 134. 

Danus 98, 107. 

Darab Hamaziar 6. 

Darius x, 3, 4, 8, 96, 122, 124. 

Darmesteter Prof, ix, xvi, 2. 

Dasyu 3, 107. 

Dawson 105. 

Demetrius 24. 

Desai P. B 8, 57. 

Dewal Rani 64. 

Dhabhar B. N. 26. 

Dhammapada 108, 133, 134, 138. 

Dhammika Sutra 133. 

Dhana Nandana 96, 107, 108. 

Dharashraya 45. 

Dhenukakati 122. 

Dhinki 39. 

Dhritarashtra 104. 

Dibal 35. 

Dikshit S. B. 105, 106. 

Dinidaru (dasa) Bahman 56. 

Dinika 14, 15. 

Dinkard 31, 76, 127. 

Dinpanah 32, 52, 53. 

Div 31, 32, 34, 35, 39-41, 49, 50. 

Divatia v. 

Divyavadana 133. 

Dozy R. 81. 

Drammas 24. 

Drurnmond v, vi, 68. 

Duff C. M. 35. 

Dughda 76. 

Durvasas 73. 

Dutt R. C. 11, 95, 96. 99-103, 105, 

110-113, 115, 117, 120, 125- 

128, 132, 134. 
Duval xiv. 
Dwarka 73, 84, 85, 88, 130, 131. 



Edrisi 18, 54, 81. 

Kdulji Nowroji viii. 

Elliot's History 1, 33, 52, 54, 57, 

61, 64, 81. 
Elphinstone 25, 39. 
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics 

114, 124. 
Enti B. E. v, vi. 
Epigraphia Indica 8, 10, 17, 19-21, 

24, 27, 78, 79, 102, 114, 122, 

124, 141. 
Esther 8- 



Fa Hian 101, 102. 

Faridun 1 

Fausball 134. 

Fergusson 14, 22. 

FiWu^i xvi, 1, 7, 22, 31. 

Fireshta 1, 15, 64, 130. 

Firujrai 1. 

Fleet Dr. J. F. ii, 15, 22, 27, 32, 

36-39, 41-45, 4S, 124. 
Forbes 25. 
Frahimrava 76. 
Framazd 1. 
Eraser 130. 

Fravardin Yashta. 98, 135, 137. 
Futh-ul-Buldan 41. 

G 

Gabra (Guebres) 33, 52, 64, 72. 
Gadaphras (Gondophares) 19, 20, 

125. 

Gadharupa 22. 
Gadhia-paisa. 24, 25. 
Gakars 3. 

Gandharas 114, 128, 129. 
Gandharvas 135. 
Ganga Prasad 132-134, 136, 138. 
Ganges 88, 95. 
Ganjeshayigan xvi. 
Gaobarah 41, 72. 
Gardhabin 21. 

Garuda xi. 29, 77, 93, 121, 137. 
Garuda Purana 28, 121, 131, 13S, 

189. 

Gauramukha 29, 73, 75-76, 82. 
Gautamiputra 6, 80. 
Gautama 28, 119. 
Gay&77, 78. 130, 131. 
Gayatri 87, 90, 91. 
Gayomard 127. 
Gazetteer of India 62. 
Gehlot 62. 
Geiger Dr. 98, 101. 
Geush Urvan 131, 136. 
Girnar ii, 10, 11, 24, 122. 
Godrej 18. 
Goldstucker Dr. 111. 
Gopatha Br. 117. 
Govindacharaya A xviii. 
Gregory xiv. 

Grierson Dr. G. A. 55, 140, 141. 
Griffith R. T. 5, 124, 136. 
Guha x. 

Gurjjaras 21, 29, 32, 37, 39, 46, 131. 
Gutschmid 19. 



146 



H 

Haddon Dr. 141. 

Hadisa-nama 57. 

Hadokhta Nuska 134. 

Hagamasha 141. 

Hagana 141. 

Haihayas 27. 

Hajjaj 36. 

Hanjamana 35- 

Haoma v, 88. 

Harivamsa, 9, 27, 79. 

Harpharana 13, 14. 

Harsha 8, 22 23, 24. 30, 46. 

Hastinapura 104. 

Hatra 14. 

Haug Dr. 98. 

Haukal Ebn. 18, 33, 52. 

Heliodorus 26, 51. 

Herakles 21. 

Herbert Sir T. 35. 

Herodotus 4, 80, 124, 127. 

Hitopadesha 23. 

Hodivala S. H. Prof. 81-33, 37, 

41, 53, 57, 64, 65. 
Hoernle Dr. 7, 140, 141. 
Hoffmann xiii. 
Horn Bahmanyar 54. 
Hopkin 97. 
Hora 17. 

Hormazdiar Framarz 56. 
Hormazdiar Ramyar 54, 55. 
Horopharnes 13. 

Hoshangji Jamaspji Dastur 55, 71. 
Hoshang Memorial Volume ii, 2, 16. 
Huart M. Cl. 31. 
Hummira 58, 63. 
Hunas (Huns) Hi, 5-8, 21, 23, 28, 

30, 83, 115, 122, 131. 
Huvardhi 10. 
Huviksha 20, 21. 
Hwen Thsang 8, 77, 80, 102. 



Ibraim Gaznavid 53. 

Indian Antiquary 9, 11, 27, 29, 32, 

35, 36, 38, 40, 42, 43, 46, 50, 

83, 84, 111, 120, 122. 
Indo-Sassanian coins 25. 
Indra 2, 112, 131, 137. 
Indraprastha 103, 104. 
Innana 123. 
Inscription from Cave Temples 14, 

16. 
Iranian Association Journal xiii, xvi. 



Iranshah Atash Behram 

56. 

Ishtar 123. 
Isidorus of Charax 124. 



44, 45, 50, 



Jadi (Jai) Rana 31, 3D, 36, 41-49, 

66, 86. 
Jahiz xv, xvi. 
Jamaspa 7. 
Jamaspi 54. 
Jamaspji Minocheherji Dastur 32, 

58-55, 61, 86. 
Jambudwipa 82, 88, 114. 
Jamrud 2. 

Jamshed Maneckji Rustomji 68. 
Jarashabda 73, 77. 
Jastrow 123. 
Jaubert 54. 

Jayabhatta 35, 39, 46. 
Jayadaman 11. 
Jayadeva 36, 39. 
Jayashikhara 33. 
Jayashraya Mangalaraja iii, 44, 45, 

46, 48, 49, 50. 
Jayasimha 37, 43. 
Jayasimhavarman 44-46. 
J. J. Madressa Jubilee Vol. 52, 53. 
Jnana Bhaskara 106. 
J. R. A. S. 9-11, 15, 16, IS, 19, 21, 

28, 37, 95, 97, 101, 103, 110- 

112, 129,139-141. 
Jordanus 55. 

Junagadha inscription 6, Jl, 15. 
Junaid Ibn Abdur Rehman 36. 
Junner inscription 11, 15. 
Justin T08. 



Kabir 94, 

Kai Khusru 2. 

Kaikhusru Jamaspji Dastur 56. 

Kalachuri (Cbedi) era 32, 42, 46, 

Kalayavana 123. 

Kalianrai 52. 

Kalidas iii, 7, 8. 

Kalila and Dimna 23. 

KamaK. R. xiv, 31, 53. 

Kambaya (Cambaya) 83, 85. 

Kambojas xviii, 3, 114. 

Kamdin Shahryar 54. 

Kamdin Zarathosht 54. 

Kanga x. 

Kanheri 32, 58, 110, 122. 



147 



Kanishka 17, 20, 21, 26, 77, 83, 

122. 

Karaka Dossabhoy 54, 57, 58. 
Karapa 17. 

Karle 11, 14, 110, 122. 
Karttikeya ix, x. 
Kasyapa-pura 79, 80. 
Katha-Sarit-Sagara iii, 7, 99-101, 

103. 
Kaus 2. 
Kaushambi 8, 

Kaushitaki Upanishada 138. 
Kftver 38, 40, 48. 
Kedar Raja 2. 
Keilhorn Dr. 111. 
Keith Dr. i, 119. 129, 141. 
Kern Dr. 101. 
Kershaspa 1. 
Kesurai 1. 

Khaharata (Kshaharata) 14, 15. 
Khalifah-al-Mahdi 36. 
Khalif Umar 35. 
Khareghat M. P. i, 105, 106. 
Khizar Khan 64. 
Khorasan 34, 53, 54. 
Khordadbeh Ebn 33. 
Khorshed Sepehbud 72. 
Khulagu Khan 55. 
Khumm&na 58. 
Khusru 22, 23, 37. 
Khwaf 33. 
Kirtivarma 37. 

Kisseh-i-Sanjan iii, v, vii, 80 ft., 66. 
Kobad 44. 
Kohistan 33. 
Koorcha 85. 
Krishna 1, 28, 26, 29, 73, 74, 76, 

80, 82, 86, 98, 99, 130, 137. 
Kshatrapa 11-13, 15. 
Kshatriyas 30. 
Kulaipa 11, 12. 
Kumarila Bhatta 9, 127. 
Kunte 130. 

Kurus (Uttara) 88, 89, 128, 129. 
Kusha 9. 

Kushans viii, 6, 17, 21. 
Kusti vii, 26. 
Kusumapura 6, 95. 
Kutar's Shahname 1, 22, 127. 



Lakumsi 62. 

Lalana 17. 

Lalita Vist^ra 8, 112, 183. 



Lassen 102, 129. 

L^ta 32, 44, 49. 

Lichhavis 120. 

Lok^ditya 43. 

Lord, Henry 34, 40, 41, 44, 48, 49. 

Luder Prof. 16. 

Ludwig 2. 

Lukshmana 27. 

M 

Macdonell Prof, i, ii, iii, xii. 106, 

119, 129. 
Magadha (s) 5, 6, 28, 95, 96, 101, 

107, 108, 113-115, 120, 121, 

128, 129, 140, 141. 
Magas vi, viii, x, xii, xv, 28-30, 53, 

73, 75, 77-79, 81-85, 87, 88, 

91, 93, 94, 118, 120, 121, 124, 

141. 

Magavritti xiv. 
Magh(Mugh)61,64, 73. 
Magi, (Magian) viii, xi, 28, 52, 78, 

84,101,114-118,121,123, 125, 

126, 130, 132, 141. 
Maha-banu 23, 59. 
Mahabharata iii, 3, 5, 9, 40, 83, 97, 

98. 101-107. 109, 118-121, 

123, 126, 128, 129, 131, 134, 

135, 137, 139. 

Mahabhashya 110, 111, 113. 
Mahavagga 133. 
Mahavamso 108. 
Mahavastu 133. 
Mahayana xi. 
Mahomed 94, 141. 
Mahomed Begda 57, 63-65. 
M^hy^r xiv, 54. 
Maitra"yani Samhita 116. 
Malayaketu 114. 
Mamun Fazl xiv. 
Mangalesha 39. 
Mangalaraja 45. 
Manikiala inscription 16, 20. 
Manittha 105, 106. 
Manucci 35. 
Manusmriti xviii 3, 7, 30, 118, 116, 

118, 138, 139. 
Mao 21. 
Mara 139. 

Mardan Farukha 52, 
Margu 108. 
WAricha 101. 
Markandeya Purana 112. 
Marshall Sir J. H. 10, 108. 
Mashi, Mashyani 128, 



146 



Master Sir S. 35. 

Masudi 18, 22, 33, 50, 52, 80. 

Mau 106. 

Mauryas xi, xviii, 4, 11, 12, 37, 

95, 96, 99, 101, 106-113, 140, 

141. 

Maus (Moa, Maga) 19, 125. 
Max Muller ',2, -5, 95, 96, 99, 

101, 108, 111, 112, 119, 124, 

132, 133, 139, 140. 
McCormack x. 
Mazdayasnians 30. 
Mediomah 26. 
Megasthenes xii, 95, 96, 103-106, 

113, 115, 124, 
Megha, Meghanada 6. 
Meghaduta 8. 
Meheran-gushnasp xiv. 
Meherban Kaikhusru 32, 53, 55, 71. 
Meherji Rana Dastur 52, 54. 
Mehernarsi xiii. 
Meillet xiii. 
Menander 24, 122. 
Meriah 28. 
Meru 108, 109. 
Merv 108, 
Mewad iv, 27. 
Meyer Ed. ii, 
Mihira (s) viii, ix, x. 28, 75, 77, 

121. 

Mihirakula 28, 123. 
Mihireshwar 29. 

Miiro, Mithra 21, 29, 83, 90, 93, 94, 
Min-nagar 18, 19 25, 125. 
Minocheher 1. 
Minokherd x, 54. 
Missar bin Mukhalihal 32. 
Mithraism 84. 
Mithridates 14, 19, 124. 
Mitravana 73, 74, 80, 84. 
Mitrojiv 64. 
Mlechhas xviii, 5, 7-9. 
Modi J. J Dr. 2, 6, 30, 31, 33, 34, 
37, 41, 52, 54, 56, 57, 65, 108. 
Monier-Williams i, ix, x, xii. 
Moses 141. 

Mozumdar A. K. 6, 8, 9, 95, 122. 
Mudra Rakshasha iii, 6, 108, 114, 

125. 

Mughirah Abul Asi 35. 
Muhammed bin Kasim 81. 
Muir Dr. 3, 5, 6, 9, 10, 27, 98, 99, 

127-129, 133, 138, 141. 
Mukherji P. C. 96. 
Mulchand I, 



Multan 29, 30, 77-80, 84, 126. 
Mura 107, 108, 
Muskavaih Ibn xvi. 



Nagnajit 128 

Nagojibhattalil, 112. 

Nahapana 14, 15, 141. 

Nahavend 31. 

Nana 21. 

Nanaka 94. 

Nanda 101, 115. 

Nandini 10. 

Narada 74, 75, 85. 

Narayana 120, 137. 

Nariman G. K. xiii, 2, 22, 30, 41, 

131, 138, 139. 

Nariman Hoshang 56, 65, 71. 
Nariman Kersasp 1. 
Nasik inscription 14-16. 
Nerioshang Dhaval vii, 54, 55, 69, 

72. 

Newton Justice 24, 25. 
Nidanakatha 133. 
Nikshubha 75-77, 90. 
Noah 94, 141. 
Noeldeke xvi. 
Noshirwan (Nowshirwan) 7, 22, 28, 

25, 59. 
Nowsari (Nuncery) iii, 34-36, 40, 

44-46, 48-50, 54, 55, 57, 63. 



Oado 21. 
Obollah 11, 13. 
Odoric 55. 
Orthagnes 20. 
Orthagno 21. 
Oswal 29. 
Otto Schrader 114. 
Ousley 33, 52. 

P 

Padana 82. 

Padmani 62, 63. 

Pahlavas ii, xviii, 3, 5-11, 13, 16, 

18, 19, 25-27, 30, 40, 107, 122, 

123, 125. 
Pahlavi iii, ix, xiii, xiv, 22, 23, 32, 

52, 53, 55,69. 
Palasini 12. 
Pallavas ii, iii, 27, 37. 
Panchatantra 28. 
Panchavimsa Br. 83, 127. 
Pandava ( s ) 99, 103, 104, 123, 130, 



149 



Pandyas 38, 128, 130. 

Panini ii, xii, 2, 100, 101, 106, 111, 

129. 

Parada 15. 
Paradas 3, 27. 
Parajas 27. 
Parasara 106. 

Parasikas (Parsis) i, ii, Hi, xviii, 
5-9, -26, 27, 29, 31-41, 45-50, 
52, 53, 55, 57-61, 63, 65, 
69-73, 95, 114, 115, 117, 119, 
131. 

Pargitar 16. 
Parsa ii. 

Parsi Prakasha xiv, 54, 55, 56. 
Parsi Smriti (P. S.) 67, 69, 71, 72, 

86. 

Parshu i, ii, xviii, 2. 
Parthians ii, xiii, xviii, 3, 13-15, 18, 

19, 24 27, 122, 141. 
Parviz 22. 

Patanjali 109-1 1 3, 117, 133. 
Patel Dabhai 55. 
Pathak Prof, iii, 7. 
Patkanian xiii. 
Patliputra (Palibodhra) xii, 4, 6, 23, 

95, 101, 103-108, 114, 140, 
141. 

Patna 95. 

Paul Horn 30. 

Paulica Siddhanta 102. 

Paymaster R. B. iv, v, 43, 66. 

Periplus 18. 19, 125. 

Persepolis, Persepolitan Halls 4, 14, 

96, 108; 140, 141. 
Peshawar 16, 22. 
Peshotan Ram 54, 55. 
Peterson Dr. 111. 
Pharro 21. 
Phrahates 15. 
Piran-gushnasp xiv. 
Piruz 7, 22. 

Pliny 50, 95. 

Porus 3, 19. 

Pouras 113. 

Prabhasa 14. 

Prabodhachandrodaya 120, 140, 141. 

Pragjyotisha 122, 123 

Prairies d'Or 33. 

Praja Mitra and Parsi 22, 30. 

Prajapati 127. 

Princep J. 24, 110. 

Prithu i, xviii, 2. 

Procopius 23. 

Ptolemy 3, 80, 96, 102, 125. 



Pudumclva 13. 
Pulakesi 22, 36, 37, 44, 45. 
Panchayet (Parsi) v. 
Punegar K. E. 136. 
Puruaspa 17. 
Pushyagupta 11, 12. 



Qasim Muhamed 36. 
R 

Rabadi Framji 57. 

Raghu 7. 

Raghu Vamsa 7, 60, 187. 

Rahupa62. 

Rajashraya 38. 

Rajatarangini 3, 122, 128. 

Rajna ix, x. 

Rama 7, 135-137. 

Ramayana 5, 10, 40, 99, 102, 118, 

124, 131, 135, 136. 
Rana Je^ung 54. 
Rana Kamdin 55. 

RapsonE. J. 19, 20, 26, 95, 96, 
102, 104, 108, 120, 122, 125, 
126. 

Rashid-ud-din 18. 
Rashnu ix. 
Ratanpura 58, 59, 64. 

Ratnamala 33. 

Ratnavali 8. 

Ravana 101, 136. 

Rawlinson 3, 4, 8, 14. 

Rehatsek Prof. 41. 

fteinaud 26, 50. 

Rhys Davids 11, 132, 138. 

Rice L. 40. 

Rig Veda i, xi, xii, 3, 61, 86, 90, 92, 
97, 98, 104, 105, 109, 116, 117, 
118. 121, 127, 132, 184, 185, 
138-140. 

Romaka 9. 

Romakapura K)6. 

Roth 129. 

Roy 5. 

Rudra ix, 116. 

Rudra Daman ii, 10-12, 122. 

Rustam 1. 

Rustamji Sanjana Dastur ii. 

Rustam Mehrap^na 53, 55. 

S 

Sachau Dr. x, xi, 8, 78, 106. 
Sacred Books of Marathas 101, 184, 
Saddar 26. 



150 



Sagar xviii, 29, 30. 
Saka-dwipa viii, 29, 73, 74, 77, 78, 
82-84,86, 88, 120, 121, 123- 
126, 140. 

Sakas ii, iv, viii, xi. xviii, 3, 5-7, 
10, 16, 19, 20, 27-29, 30, 32, 
114, 115, 122, 124, 125. 
Saklatwalla J. E. xvi, xvii, xviii. 
Salemann xiv. 
Salivahana 20. 
Saljuk xvi. 
Samarsi 61, 62, 63. 
Samasa Samhita 9. 
Sama Veda 86, 92, 117, 118. 
Samba 73-80, 82, 84-89. 
Sambapura, 79, 85. 
SSm Nariman 1. 
Samudragupta 27. 
Sanabares 20. 
Sanjan iii, iv, 31-35, 37, 40, 41, 

49-51, 57, 58, 63, 65. 
Sanjana D. P. Dastur 54, 55, 98, 

101. 

Sanjana Peshotan Dastur 53, 127. 
Sanj Vartman 41, 54. 
Sanskrit Shlokas iv, 41, 43, 51, 

66-70, 86. 
Sapinuda 21. 
Sapoor xiv, 21, 22. 
Saqafi 35. 
Sasan 20. 
Sassanian iii, 21, 24, 25, 30, 37, 39, 

47, 59, 60, 126. 
Satriparana 13, 14. 
Satyashraya 38. 
Saura 78, 90, 92, 93. 
Saurashtra 11, 12. 
Sayana i. 

S. B. E. 5, 11, 28, 52, 54, 55, 76, 
95, 96, 108, 113, 116-118, 120, 
133, 139. 
Schlegel 124. 
Scythians 18, 19. 
Senart 16. 
Sesodia 62. 
Setaphaiana 13. 
Shea and Troyer 131. 
Shamshashtri R. 101. 
Shankaracharya 127. 
Shaoreoro 21. 
Sharastani xiii. 
Shashtri Haraprasada 128. 
Shatakarni 16. 

Shatapatha Br. 98, in, ng 118 
127, 135. 



Shazat 53. 

Shiladitya 30, 45. 

Shirin 22. 

Shiva v, 21, 25-27, 29, 38, 60, 92, 

100, 111-113, 124, 126, 133. 
Shorparaga (Sopara) 14, 83, 51, 125 
Shryashraya 44, 45, 49. 
Siavaksha 11, 12,14. 
Siddharaja Jesung 54, 61. 
Sikand Gum^nik Vijar 52. 
Silhara King 29. 
Simhala (Ceylon) 38-40, 48. 
Sindan 33, 35. 
Sinsarchand 18. 
Sita 101. 
Sivaram v. 
Skandagupta 7, 134. 
Smith V, ii, xii, 11, 19-22, 27, 95, 

96, 102, 107, 109, 114, 115 

120, 121, 124-126, 133, 134. 
Soma 93, 116, 139, 140. 
Somadeva 7, 8, 99. 
Someshavara 36, 43. 
Sophronius 20. 
Sorabji Jamshedji xvi. 
Sovasaka 11, 14. 
Spalagadmes 19. 
Spalahores 19. 
Spalirises 19, 125. 
Spendarmad 127, 128. 
Spenta 16. 
Spiegel 2, 134. 
Spooner Dr. D. B. xi, xii, xiv, 4, 29, 

95 ff. 

Srausha viii, ix, 90, 91. 
Stein 21. 
Stevenson Dr. 13. 

Strabo 3, 24, 28, 95, 108, 124, 129. 
Sudarshana 11, 12. 
Sudas 2, 
Sudreh 86. 
Sughdian xi. 
Sujihva 7o-77, 81. 
Sung Yun 101. 
Surajfcii 2. 

Surya Siddhanta 100, 102, 105, 106. 
Suvarnasikata 12. 
Suvishakha, Siavaksha 11-13, 26. 
Swaley 84. 
Syrians 47, 48. 



Tabar-al-Masbuk xvi. 
Tabari 50. 
Taimurlang 94, 



151 



Taittiriya Aranyaka 139. 

Taittiriya Samhita 116. 

Takhatsingji Raol 58. 

Takshasila xii. 

Tapi 15. 

Tarsa 61. 

Tata, Sir Ratan 96. 

Taxila 3, 10, 16, 19, 107, 108, 115, 

119, 124. 
Tehemuraspa 1. 
Teile 2. 

Telung, Justice 6, 114, 124, 125. 
Thana 33. 

Thomas E. 11, 109, 110. 
Thomas St. 20. 
Times of India 30, 41. 
Tod J. 19, 23, 25, 59-63. 
Troyer M. 3, 128. 
Turushkas, Turks iii, iv, 7, 21, 30 

60-63. 
Tushaspa 10, 11, 122. 

U 

Uchha (Auohak) 94. 
Udayana 8. 
Ugrasena 73, 75, 76. 
Ulughkhan 56, 63, 64. 
Umar Khalif 50. 
Unwalla M. R. vii, 31, 53. 
Ursi 62, 63. 
Ushabhadata 14, 15. 



Vachakas 85. 

Vaghela 32. 

Vaidya C. V. 5, 83, 100, 108, 130 

137. 

Vajasneyi Samhita 116. 
Vajjada-deva 37. 
Valabhi 23-25, 32, 39, 46, 57. 
Valuraka 14. 
Vanaraja Chavda 86, 50._ 
Varaha Mihira x, 9, 76, f 8, 101, 106, 

124, 129. 
Vararuchi 23. 
Vardust 26. 

Variava Bariav) 34, 35, 54, 58, 59. 
Varun (xii, 2, 104 112. 
Vasava 13. 
Vashti 8. 

Vasishta xviii, 9, 27. 81, 86, 133. 
Vasithiputa 13. 



Vasudeva 20, 21. 
Vasuki vi, 88. 
Vatapi 86, 37, 42, 44. 
Vatsa 8. 

Vayu Purana 8, 121. 
Vendidad xiv, 2, 86, 121, 123, 136. 
Vidyabhushana Dr. S. C. 120. 
Vijayaditya iii, 33, 35. 38, 40-50. 
Vikramaditya 36-38, 43-46, 49. 
Vinayaditya iii, 35-42, 44-48. 
Vishakha 21. 
Vishakhadatta 6, 114. 
Vishnu 78, 79, 82, 84, 110, 124, 
185-137. 

Vishnu Purana iii, xviii, 6, 9, 27, 
79, 83, 108, 113, 115, 119, 120, 
126, 135. 

Vishnu Smriti 28, 118. 

Vishnuvardhan 37. 

Vishtaspa 132. 

Vishva Karma 89, 97, 100, 101. 

Vishvamitra 9, 10. 

Visparad 86. 

Vohuvarda 10. 

Vonones, Volones 19, 125. 

Vrihat Katha 8. 

W 

Waddel Col. 96, 105. 

Weber Prof, xi, 25, 29, 40, 83, 84, 
102-105, 107, 112, 122, 129, 
139. 

West E. W. Dr. 32, 52-54. 
Westerguard Prof. 54. 
Whitney 105, 106, 119. 
Wigram xiv. 
Wilford 22, 26, 27, 31, 50. 

Wilson Dr. 9, 23, 28, 36, 57, 63, 
82, 84, 87, 99, 101, 108, 121, 
122, 128, 135. 



Xenocrates 122. 
Xerses x, 8, 97. 



152 



Yadava 2. 

Yajnavalkya 118, 119. 

Yajur Veda 86, 90, 92, 109, 117, 

118, 135, 138. 
Yashodharman 7, 30. 
Yasna 2, 117. 
Yavanas ii, iv, xviii, 3, 5-7, 9-11, 

16, 27, 30, 101, 105, 114, 115, 

122. 
Yazdgard iii, x, 7, 23, 30, 31, 34, 

41, 59. 
Yogaraja 50. 
Yu-Chi 20. 

Yudhishthira 99, 100, 101, 103. 
Yule's Cathay 21, 50, 55. 



Zal Sam 1. 

Zagros, ii. 

Zarathushtra, Zoroaster i, xv, 29, 
53, 76, 131, 132, 134-137. 

Zohak 1. 

Zoroastrians i, viii, xi, xv, 31, 33, 
41, 82, 85, 91-95, 98, 99, 101, 
107, 109, 110, 112-117, 119- 
123, 125-127, 129, 131, 134, 
135, 138-141. 



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